‘We Are Eagles, Not Vultures’: PM Abiy Defends His Government’s Vision
In a striking analogy at the Haro Dendi Lodge inauguration, the Prime Minister contrasts soaring ambition with lowly scavenging.
By Staff Writer | Published: April 2026
FINFINNE (ADDIS ABABA) – April 11, 2018 (E.C.) – Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed has invoked a powerful ornithological analogy to describe his government’s philosophy, declaring: “We are eagles, not vultures. We leave crying and weeping to the vulture.”
Speaking at the inauguration of the Haro Dendi Lodge construction project in Oromia, the Prime Minister used the contrasting characteristics of two birds to frame his administration’s approach to governance and national development.
The Eagle: A Symbol of Greatness
According to the Prime Minister, the eagle (Risaa) is a bird known for its extraordinary vision and its ability to soar far above all other birds.
“The eagle flies at the highest altitude. It is a symbol of heroism and great capability.”
The eagle’s ability to see from a distance and rise above challenges represents the kind of leadership the Prime Minister says his government embodies – forward-looking, ambitious, and unwilling to be dragged into petty disputes.
The Vulture: A Bird of Scavenging
In contrast, the vulture (Quuroo) was described as a bird that inhabits filthy places, lingers around garbage, and is known for its loud, unpleasant crying.
“Vultures cannot fly at high altitudes. They dwell in filth. We leave crying and weeping to the vulture.”
The Prime Minister’s contrast was clear: while vultures scavenge and lament, eagles rise and achieve.
A Rejection of Victimhood
The analogy carries a clear political message. By declaring “We are eagles, not vultures,” the Prime Minister is rejecting what he characterizes as a culture of complaint and victimhood.
The phrase “iyyaafi boo’icha Quuroof dhiifna” – “we leave crying and weeping to the vulture” – suggests that his government will not be distracted by constant criticism or drawn into cycles of lamentation.
Instead, the Prime Minister signaled that his administration will focus on soaring higher – pushing forward with development projects, infrastructure initiatives, and national progress regardless of the noise from below.
The Occasion: Haro Dendi Lodge
The Prime Minister’s remarks were delivered during the inauguration ceremony of the Haro Dendi Lodge, a tourism development project in Oromia.
The choice of venue was significant. The lodge represents the kind of development that the Prime Minister says defines the “eagle” approach – building, creating, and lifting the nation upward.
The Prime Minister used the occasion to reaffirm that development projects across the country will continue despite challenges.
Context: A Nation at a Crossroads
The Prime Minister’s “eagle vs. vulture” analogy did not emerge in a vacuum. It comes at a time when Ethiopia faces multiple challenges:
| Challenge | Description |
|---|---|
| Political instability | Ongoing conflicts in various regions |
| Economic pressure | Inflation, debt, and foreign currency shortages |
| International criticism | Concerns over human rights and democratic space |
| Internal dissent | Opposition from various political factions |
The Prime Minister’s message appeared aimed at both domestic and international audiences: We will not be pulled down by criticism. We will continue to build.
Mixed Reactions
As with many of the Prime Minister’s rhetorical flourishes, the analogy has drawn both praise and criticism.
Supportive Voices
“We need this kind of leadership. Constant complaining gets us nowhere. Let’s focus on building.”
— Addis Ababa resident
“The eagle analogy is powerful. It’s time to soar.”
— Government supporter
Critical Voices
“Calling legitimate criticism ‘vulture crying’ is a way to dismiss dissent. Democracy requires listening, not just soaring.”
— Political analyst (anonymous)
“Eagles can also be blind to what’s on the ground. The government should not ignore real problems.”
— Civil society observer
A Pattern of Analogies
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is known for using vivid analogies to communicate his political message.
| Year | Analogy | Meaning |
|---|---|---|
| 2018 | “The hyena and the crocodile” | Warning against ethnic conflict |
| 2019 | “The rose and the thorn” | Acknowledging progress amid challenges |
| 2020 | “The river and the bridge” | Unity and connection |
| 2024 | “The eagle and the vulture” | Soaring above criticism |
Each analogy has sparked debate, reflecting the Prime Minister’s ability to shape public discourse through accessible imagery.
Development Continues
Beyond the analogy, the Prime Minister used the Haro Dendi ceremony to reiterate that infrastructure and development projects across Ethiopia will continue.
“Development projects being built across the country will continue,” he affirmed.
The Haro Dendi Lodge itself is part of a broader push to expand tourism and hospitality infrastructure in Oromia and beyond.
What the Analogy Reveals
Political observers note that the “eagle vs. vulture” analogy reveals several aspects of the Prime Minister’s worldview:
- Optimism over criticism – He prioritizes forward momentum over responding to detractors.
- Development as proof – He believes that visible projects (roads, lodges, dams) are the best response to critics.
- Rejection of victimhood – He discourages what he sees as a culture of complaint, whether from political opponents or international observers.
- National pride – The eagle, a majestic bird found in Ethiopian highlands, serves as a fitting national symbol.
Conclusion: Soaring or Ignoring?
The Prime Minister’s message is clear: Ethiopia under his leadership is an eagle, not a vulture.
For supporters, this represents a much-needed shift toward optimism, action, and national pride.
For critics, it risks dismissing legitimate grievances as mere “crying and weeping.”
What is not in dispute is the Prime Minister’s continued ability to capture attention with vivid imagery. Whether the nation soars like an eagle or remains grounded by its challenges will be determined not by analogies, but by results.
As the Prime Minister himself might say: The eagle does not explain itself to the vulture. It simply flies higher.
At a glance:
| Bird | Characteristics | Government’s Claim |
|---|---|---|
| Eagle (Risaa) | Soars high, sharp vision, heroic | “We are eagles” |
| Vulture (Quuroo) | Scavenges, dwells in filth, cries loudly | “We leave crying to vultures” |
“We are eagles, not vultures. We leave crying and weeping to the vulture.”
— PM Abiy Ahmed (PhD)
Source: Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s remarks at Haro Dendi Lodge inauguration, April 11, 2018 (E.C.)
© 2026 – Ethiopia News | Finfinne
Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day Marked at ABO Headquarters in Gullalle
Hundreds gather to honor fallen heroes, raise banned flag, and renew calls for justice and peace on Ebla 15
By Daandii Ragabaa
GULLALLE, FINFINNE – April 15, 2026 (Ebla 15)
GULLALLE – Hundreds of Oromo men, women, and youth gathered today at the Head Office of the ABO (Arsi, Bale, Oromo organization) in the Gullalle district of Addis Ababa to observe Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo (Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day), an annual commemoration held on Ebla 15 (April 15).
The event, which lasted from 9:00 AM to 3:00 PM, included a minute of silence for the fallen, the reading of hundreds of names of martyrs, cultural performances, and the raising of the Oromo flag – a symbol repeatedly banned in public spaces over the years. No violence or security incidents were reported.
The gathering was peaceful but emotionally charged. Attendees included elderly community members, mothers with young children, and large numbers of Qeerroo and Qarree (Oromo youth activists). Organizers described the event as a “people’s holiday” – not sanctioned by any government but observed annually by Oromo communities both inside Ethiopia and in the diaspora.
A banner at the venue read:
“Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo – Ebla 15, 2026 – Hin Irraanfatnu. Hin Lolti Dhaabnu.”
(Translation: “Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day – We will not forget. We will not stop struggling.”)
One of the most powerful moments came when a list of martyrs’ names was read aloud. The names included individuals killed in protests between 2014 and 2026, as well as historical figures from the 19th century. After each name, the crowd responded in unison: “Nu jirra. Hin irraanfatne.” (“We are here. We have not forgotten.”)
An elderly woman, who identified herself only as the mother of a son killed in 2018, held up a faded photograph and told the crowd: “I did not come to speak. I came to show you his face. Do not let his memory die.”
At exactly 12:00 noon, two young women raised the Oromo flag at the ABO compound. The flag – which has been banned at various times in modern Ethiopian history – flew for approximately three hours before being lowered and stored in a wooden box.
Witnesses described an elderly man falling to his knees as the flag rose, weeping and saying: “Forgive us. We are still fighting. We have not given up.”
A senior ABO official, who spoke on condition of anonymity for security reasons, delivered the keynote address. He outlined five core values that he said Oromo martyrs died for:
- Nageenya (Justice / Peace / Well-being)
- Misooma (Development)
- Badhaadhina (Progress)
- Dimokiraasii (Democracy)
- Nagaa (True Peace / Safety)
“These five words are not decorations,” the speaker said. “They are debts. Our heroes paid with their lives. We must pay with our actions.”
The newspaper spoke with several attendees:
Bontu, 23, university student:
“I was not born when many of these heroes died. But I carry their names in my phone. I read them every morning.”
Jirenya, 58, farmer (traveled three hours by bus):
“My brother was killed in 2015. No one was arrested. No one apologized. Today, I am his memory.”
Marga, 19, high school student:
“The next heroes are not dead yet. They are standing right here.”
Hundessa, 72, retired teacher:
“Each year, there are new names. That breaks my heart. But each year, there are also new young faces. That gives me hope.”
Ebla 15 (which corresponds to April 15 in the Gregorian calendar) has become a significant date in Oromo collective memory. While not recognized as an official public holiday by the Ethiopian government, it is widely observed by Oromo communities as a day to honor both historical figures (including 19th-century horseback warriors who fought colonialism) and contemporary martyrs killed in protests and political violence.
The ABO (Arsi, Bale, Oromo – a prominent Oromo civil society and cultural organization) has organized commemorative events on Ebla 15 for several years, though the scale and location have varied due to security constraints.
A visible but low-key security presence was observed in areas surrounding Gullalle throughout the day. No arrests or confrontations were reported. The event ended peacefully at approximately 3:00 PM, after a collective vow in which attendees raised their right hands and recited a pledge to continue the struggle for justice, democracy, and peace.
Organizers declined to provide an official estimate of crowd size, but eyewitnesses placed attendance between 300 and 500 people.
As of press time, the Ethiopian government had not issued an official statement regarding the commemoration.
The ceremony concluded with the Oromo anthem sung by the entire crowd, followed by a slow dispersal. Many attendees lingered to take photographs with the flag and exchange contact information for future organizing.
A young Qeerroo shouted as the crowd began to leave: “Ebla 15 next year – where will we be?”
The crowd responded: “Stronger! More! Free!”
“Paartiyyoon Morkattuu kaadhimamtoota Mootummaa Egeree Ti,” Nebiha Muhammad, Hoogganaa Komiyuunikeeshinii Na’Ephaa
Finfinnee – Paartiyyoon morkitootaa akka kaadhimamtoota mootummaa filatamaa biyyaa bulchuuf dirqama qabanitti bakka bu’aniitti, haala biyyaa bulchuuf guutummaatti mijeesseen socho’uu qabu jedhanii dhaabbata Walabummaa fi Walqixxummaa (Na’Ephaa) hoogganaa komiyuunikeeshinii dubartii Nebiha Muhammad ibsan.
Hoogganaan kun gaaffii fi deebii Gazeta Plus wajjin godhan keessatti, filannoo biyyaaleessaa 7ffaa kan biyya keenya keessatti gaggeeffamuuf jiruuf waayee dubbachaa turaniin, paartiyyoon morkitootaa itti gaafatamummaa biyyaaleessaa qaban irraa ka’uun, Na’Ephaan imaammataa fi karoora adda addaa qopheeffatee biyya bulchuuf qophii bal’aa godhate jira jedhan.
Qophii Bulchaa Mijeessuu
Nebiha akka jedhanitti, paartichi biyya cimaa fi mootumma cimaa ijaaruuf hojiin manaatti dalagamuutti jiraachaa jira. “Paartiyyoon morkituu kaadhimamtoota mootummaa filatamaa biyya bulchuuf qooda fudhachuu barbaadanii dha. Kanaafuu, haala biyya bulchuuf guutummaatti mijeesseen socho’uu qabu,” jedhaniin ibsan.
Na’Ephaan, akka jedhanitti, paartiin isaanii imaammataa fi karoora adda addaa qopheeffachuun biyya bulchuuf qophii bal’aa godhateera. Paartichi hojiin isaa akka paartii morkituutti mormii qofa utuu hin taane, akka paartii biyya bulchuu barbaadduutti of qopheessuu fi akka kaadhimamaa mootummaa egeree bakka bu’uu isaa mirkaneessuun jira jedhan.
Kaayyoo Filannoo 7ffaa
Hoogganaan komiyuunikeeshinii Na’Ephaa akka ibsanitti, paartichi filannoo biyyaaleessaa 7ffaa keessatti akkaataa seeraatimaa:
- Mana Marumaa Biyyaa (Paarlaama) keessatti Sagalee 100 ol
- Mana Marumaa Naannoo keessatti Sagalee 200 ol
argachuuf kaayyoo qabaatee hojiirra jira. Kunis, akka isaan ibsanitti, humni paartichaa fi amantii uummanni itti qabu mul’isa.
Tumsa Sirna Mootummaa Daldala Paartii
Hoogganaan kun akka ibsanitti, Na’Ephaan filannoo kana keessatti sagalee paarlaamaa hunda mo’achuu ni barbaadu. Kunis, akka isaan ibsanitti, fedhii cimaa sirni mootummaa daldala paartii biyya keessatti haa jiraatu jedhanii qaban irraa kan ka’e.
“Paarlaamaan bakki sagalee tokkoo utuu hin taane, bakka fedhaa fi sagaleen addaddaa itti mariyatan kan dimokraasii ta’uu qaba,” jedhaniin ibsan.
Akkasumas, paarlaamaan bakka sagaleen addaddaa itti dhaga’aman, murtoonni itti fudhataman fi dimokraasiin biyya keessatti itti cimsu ta’uu qaba jedhan.
Ijaarsi Bu’uuraalee Dimokraasii fi Hiikkaa Guddinaa
Nebiha akka ibsanitti, ijaarsi bu’uuraalee dimokraasii fi bal’ina naannoo siyaasaa biyya tokkoo guddina isheef bu’uura guddaa dha. Paartiyyoon morkitootaa hojiilee siyaasaa isaanii yeroo hojjatan, kuni guddina biyyaaf gumaacha guddaa ta’a jedhaniin ibsan.
“Bu’uuraalee dimokraasii ijaaruun fi bal’inni naannoo siyaasaa guddina biyyaaf murteessaadha. Paartiyyoon mormii hojiilee siyaasaa isaanii yeroo hojjatan, kaayyoo kanaaf gumaacha guddaa qaba,” jedhaniin ibsan.
Mul’ata Egeree
Na’Ephaan filannoo biyyaaleessaa 7ffaa kanatti akka paartii morkituutti mormii qofatti utuu hin taane, akka kaadhimamaa mootummaa egereetti of qopheessuun yeroo kana keessa jirti. Paartichi imaammataa fi karoora adda addaa qopheeffachuun, kaayyoo filannoo qabaachuun fi sirni mootummaa daldala paartii biyya keessatti jiraachuu qaba jechuun tumsuun, iddoo isaa siyaasa biyyaa keessatti cimisuu barbaadu.
Hoogganaan komiyuunikeeshinii Na’Ephaa akka ibsanitti, “Paartiyyoon morkitootaa mormii itti gaafatamummaa biyyaaleessaa qabu. Hojiilee siyaasaa isaanii yeroo hojjatan, guddina biyyaaf gumaacha guddaa qaba” jedhan.
Gabaasti kun gaaffii fi deebii Gazeta Plus Ad Nebiha Muhammad, hoogganaa komiyuunikeeshinii Na’Ephaa wajjin godhe irraa kan qopheeffamedha.
“ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች ዕጩ መንግሥት ናቸው” የነእፓ ኮሙኒኬሽን ኃላፊ ነቢሃ መሀመድ አስታወቁ
አዲስ አበባ – ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች ሀገሪቱን ለመምራት የተሰለፉ ዕጩ መንግሥታት በመሆናቸው፣ በሁሉም የአመራር ዘርፍ ሀገርን ለማስተዳደር በሚያስችል ቁመና ላይ ሆነው መንቀሳቀስ እንደሚገባቸው የነጻነትና እኩልነት ፓርቲ (ነእፓ) የኮሙኒኬሽን ኃላፊ ወይዘሮ ነቢሃ መሀመድ ገለጹ።
ኃላፊዋ ለሚቀጥለው 7ኛው ጠቅላላ ሀገራዊ ምርጫ ምክንያት በማድረግ ከጋዜጣ ፕላስ ጋር ባደረጉት ቆይታ፣ ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች በሀገራዊ ኃላፊነት መሠረት ነእፓ የተለያዩ ፖሊሲዎችና ስትራቴጂዎችን በመቅረጽ ሀገርን ለማስተዳደር የሚያስችል ሰፊ ዝግጅት ማድረጉን ጠቁመዋል።
ዕጩ መንግሥት መሆን ያስጠይቀው ዝግጅት
ወይዘሮ ነቢሃ እንዳሉት፣ ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች የሀገሪቱን መሪነት ለመረከብ የሚወዳደሩ ዕጩ መንግሥታት ናቸው። ስለዚህም በማንኛውም የአገር ጉዳይ ላይ ሀገርን መምራት በሚያስችላቸው የብቃት ደረጃ ላይ ቆመው መስራት ይጠበቅባቸዋል።
“ፓርቲዎች ከምርጫ ቀን በፊት ራሳቸውን እንደ ዕጩ መንግሥት ማዘጋጀት አለባቸው” ያሉት ኃላፊዋ፣ ነእፓ ይህን ግንዛቤ በመያዝ ረጅም ጊዜ ሲሰራ እንደቆየ ገልጸዋል።
ፓርቲው ጠንካራ ሀገርና ጽኑ መንግሥት ለመገንባት የሚያስችሉ የቤት ሥራዎችን እያከናወነ መቆየቱን ጠቅሰው፣ ይህም ከዘመቻ ባሻገር ከሥልጣን ተሸካሚነት ጋር የተያያዙ መሠረታዊ ጉዳዮችን ያካተተ ነው ብለዋል።
በምርጫው ላይ የተቀመጠ ግብ
የነእፓ ኮሙኒኬሽን ኃላፊ እንዳስታወቁት፣ ፓርቲው በሚቀጥለው 7ኛው ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫ ላይ ከፍተኛ ግቦችን አስቀምጧል። ፓርቲው በፌዴራል ፓርላማ ከ100 በላይ፣ በክልል ምክር ቤቶች ደግሞ ከ200 በላይ ወንበሮችን ለማግኘት ግብ አስቀምጦ እየሰራ ነው።
ኃላፊዋ እንዳሉት፣ እነዚህ ግቦች የሚያንፀባርቁት የፓርቲውን ድርጅታዊ አቅም እድገትና የሕዝብ ድጋፍ ላይ ያለውን እምነት ነው።
የመድብለ ፓርቲ ሥርዓት ግንባታ
ወይዘሮ ነቢሃ አንድ ጉልህ ነጥብ አንስተዋል። ፓርቲው በምርጫው ሁሉንም የፓርላማ ወንበሮች ለማሸነፍ እንደማይፈልግ ገልጸዋል። ይህ አቋም፣ በሀገሪቱ የመድብለ ፓርቲ ሥርዓት እንዲጠናከር ካለው ጽኑ ፍላጎት የተነሳ ነው ብለዋል።
“ፓርላማ የአንድ ወጥ ድምፅ ማስተጋቢያ ሳይሆን የብዙኃን ሐሳቦችና ድምፆች የሚንሸራሸሩበት የዲሞክራሲ መድረክ መሆን አለበት” ሲሉ አብራርተዋል።
የፓርቲው አቋም ለረጅም ጊዜ የሀገሪቱን ዲሞክራሲ ማጠናከር እንጂ የአጭር ጊዜ የምርጫ ድል ብቻ ላይ ያተኮረ እንዳልሆነ ጠቁመዋል።
የዲሞክራሲ ተቋማት ግንባታ ለሀገር ዕድገት
ኃላፊዋ በቀጣይነትም፣ የዲሞክራሲ ተቋማት ግንባታና ሰፊ የፖለቲካ ምኅዳር ለአንድ ሀገር ዕድገት ወሳኝ መሆናቸውን አስረድተዋል።
“ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች በየጊዜው የሚያከናውኗቸው የፖለቲካ ተግባራት ለዚህ ግብ መሳካት ከፍተኛ ሚና አላቸው” ሲሉ አስረድተዋል።
የፓርቲዎች እንቅስቃሴ፣ የፖሊሲ ቅረጽ፣ ሕዝብን የማሳተፍ ሥራዎች ዲሞክራሲን ከማጠናከር አንፃር የራሳቸው ፋይዳ እንዳላቸው ገልጸዋል።
ወደፊት ትኩረት
ነእፓ ለሚቀጥለው ሀገራዊ ምርጫ ያላት ዝግጅት ከዘመቻ በላይ መሆኑን አመላካች ነው። ፓርቲው ራሱን እንደ ዕጩ መንግሥት በማዘጋጀት፣ ከምርጫ በኋላ ያለውን የአመራር ኃላፊነት ለመወጣት የሚያስችል የቤት ሥራ እየሰራ ነው።
ወይዘሮ ነቢሃ በማጠቃለያው፣ “ተፎካካሪ ፓርቲዎች የሚያከናውኗቸው የፖለቲካ ተግባራት ለሀገር ዕድገት መሠረታዊ ናቸው” በማለት አጠንቅቀው ተናግረዋል።
ይህ ዘገባ የነጻነትና እኩልነት ፓርቲ (ነእፓ) የኮሙኒኬሽን ኃላፊ ወይዘሮ ነቢሃ መሀመድ ከጋዜጣ ፕላስ ጋር ባደረጉት ቆይታ ላይ ተመስርቶ የቀረበ ነው።
ፎቶ፦ ልጅዓለም ፍቅሬ
Jireenya Qabsoo fi Tajaajilaa: Kitaabni Obbo Yonaattaan Dhibbisaa Seedaan Qophaa’e Dubbisamuuf Jira
Finfinnee – Kitaabni jireenya fi imala siyaasaa obbo Yonaattaan Dhibbisaa Seedaa, miseensa hundeessaa fi hogganaa koree giddu galeessaa duraanii Dhaabbata Dimokiraatawaa Ummatoota Oromoo (OPDO) ta’an, guyyaa Ebla 4, 2026 gaaraa Hoteela Giyoon irratti sa’aatii 7:00 Waaree booda calaqqisiifama.
Obbo Yonaattaan Dhibbisaa namoota siyaasaa Oromoo keessatti beekamoo fi ulfina qabaniin tokko yoo ta’u, kitaabni kun imala isaanii waggaa 17 ol tajaajila biyyaa, qabsoo bilisummaa, fi hooggansa mootummaa keessatti qaban ifa godha.
Qabsoo Bilisummaa keessatti Hooggansaa
Obbo Yonaattaan Dhibbisaa utuu siyaasicha hin seenin dura, Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) keessatti hogganaa ta’anii waggaa 17 ol tajaajilanii jiru. Imala siyaasaa isaanii keessatti, gara Eriteraa hanga Egypt deemuun hooggansa waraanaa keessatti qooda fudhataniiru.
Bara Gumuz, Godina Wallagga Bahaa keessatti Aanaalee Gidda fi Kiiramuu seenuun uummata Oromoo duguugaa turte qaamaan lolee lolchiisuun seenaa yoomillee hin dagatamne katabaniiru. Yeroo sanatti hooggansi isaanii fi dhiibeenna qaamaa isaanii akka jiraataa jireenya uummataa eeguuf godhan kun, amma illee kan hin dagatamne seenaa keessatti jira.
Hooggansa Siyaasaa fi Tajaajila Mootumma
Obbo Yonaattaan Dhibbisaa miseensa hundeessaa fi hogganaa koree giddu galeessaa OPDO ta’anii tajaajilanii, booddees mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa keessatti iddoo itti gaafatamaa adda addaa qabaniiru. Isaan keessaa:
- Ajajaa Hunma Dafee Qaqqabaa Oromiyaa
- Ministeera Ministeera Haqaa Oromiyaa
ta’uun tajaajilaniiru. Tajaajilli isaanii kun jijjiirrama siyaasaa Oromiyaa keessatti iddoo guddaa qaba.
Jireenya Dhuunfaa fi Guyyaa Eebbicha
Boodarra wayyaanen aangoo gadi dhiisuu hordofee gara biyyaa galuun, obbo Yonaattaan amma jireenya dhuunfaa isaanii irratti xiyyeeffatanii jiraachaa jiru. Kitaabni kun, kan qophaa’e yeroo kana keessatti, hubannoo cimaa imala siyaasaa isaanii, muuxannoo dhuunfaa isaanii fi mul’ata egeree isaanii irraa akka qooddatamuuf.
Warra gaggeessummaa, qabsoo, fi jijjiirrama hawaasaa irratti fedhii qabaniif kitaabni kun gatii guddaa qaba. Seenaa isaanii keessatti barumsi jiru, dhaloota haaraa siyaasa Oromoo keessatti hordofuu barbaadanis ni gargaara.
“Yoo Namni Seenaa Dagate, Seenaan Nama Hin Dagatu”
Dhaamsi sirni eebbichaa ni jedha:
“Yoo namni seenaa dagate, seenaan nama hin dagatu.”
Kunis faayidaa kitaaba kanaa fi haala kitaabni kun jireenya tokkoo keessaa barumsi, cimina fi ofittoo itti fudhachuun jireenya biyyaa keessatti qabu mul’isa.
Eebbi Kitaabichaa
- Guyyaa: Ebla 4, 2026
- Bakka: Hoteela Giyoon, Finfinnee
- Sa’aatii: 7:00 Waaree booda
- Afuura: Namni hundi kabajamaan affeerama.
Dhaamsa kana namoota hundaaf qoodaa!
የትግልና የአገልግሎት መንገድ፦ የአቶ ዮናታን ድብሳ ሴዳ የሕይወት ታሪክ በመጽሐፍ ቅንብር ሊነበብ ነው
አዲስ አበባ – በኦሮሚያ ክልል ፖለቲካ መስክ ጉልህ ሚና የተጫወቱት፣ የኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦሕዴድ) መሥረታ አባል እና የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አመራር የነበሩት አቶ ዮናታን ድብሳ ሴዳ የሕይወት ጉዞ በመጽሐፍ ቀርቧል።
“የሕይወት ተሞክሮና ራዕይ” በሚል መጠሪያ የተዘጋጀው ይኸው መጽሐፍ በሚቀጥለው ሚያዝያ 4 ቀን 2026 በአዲስ አበባ ግዮን ሆቴል ከምሽቱ ፯ ሰዓት ላይ በሚካሄድ ልዩ ዝግጅት ለንባብ ይበቃል።
መጽሐፉ በሕዝብ አገልግሎት፣ በትጥቅ ትግል እንዲሁም በከፍተኛ የአመራር ሃላፊነት ያሳለፉትን ዓመታት የሚዳስስ ሲሆን ለታሪክ አፍቃሪዎች፣ ለወጣት ትውልድ እንዲሁም ለማኅበራዊ ለውጥ ፍላጎት ላላቸው ሁሉ ጠቃሚ መረጃዎችን ይዟል።
ከትጥቅ ትግል እስከ ከፍተኛ አመራር
አቶ ዮናታን ድብሳ በፖለቲካ መስክ ከመሳተፋቸው ቀደም ብለው ለረጅም ዓመታት በኦሮሞ ነጻነት ሠራዊት (ኦነሠ) ውስጥ አመራር ሆነው አገልግለዋል። ከኤርትራ እስከ ግብጽ ባለው ሰፊ ግዛት ውስጥ በመንቀሳቀስ ከ፲፯ ዓመታት በላይ በትጥቅ ትግሉ ውስጥ ቆይተዋል።
በቤንሻንጉል ጉሙዝ ክልል በምሥራቅ ወለጋ ዞን ጊዳ እና ኪራሙ ወረዳዎች ኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ከከፋ ጥቃት ሲደርስበት በነበረበት ወቅት በአካል ተገኝተው የሕዝቡን መከላከያ በማደራጀት ከፍተኛ ሚና ተጫውተዋል። ይህ የሕይወታቸው ምዕራፍ በትግሉ ታሪክ ውስጥ ዘላቂ አሻራ አሳርፏል።
ከኦሕዴድ መሥረት እስከ ሚኒስቴር ማዕረግ
የኦሮሞ ሕዝቦች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ድርጅት (ኦሕዴድ) መመሥረት ላይ በቀጥታ ከተሳተፉት መካከል አንዱ የሆኑት አቶ ዮናታን፣ በድርጅቱ ውስጥ የማዕከላዊ ኮሚቴ አባል እና አመራር ሆነው ሰርተዋል።
በኦሮሚያ ክልል መንግሥት ውስጥም ከከፍተኛ የደህንነት ሃላፊነት ጀምሮ እስከ ፍትሕ ሚኒስቴር ሚኒስትርነት ድረስ በተለያዩ የኃላፊነት ደረጃዎች አገልግለዋል።
ከሥልጣን በኋላ
ከረጅም ዓመታት የሕዝብ አገልግሎት በኋላ፣ አቶ ዮናታን ሥልጣንን በፈቃደኝነት ለቀው ወደ ግል ሕይወት ተመልሰዋል። በዚህ ወቅት ደግሞ የራሳቸውን የሕይወት ተሞክሮ፣ የፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ ግንዛቤ እና የወደፊቱን ራዕይ በመጽሐፍ መልክ ለትውልድ ማስተላለፍ ላይ ትኩረት ሰጥተው ቆይተዋል።
ለምን ይህ መጽሐፍ?
የዝግጅቱ አዘጋጆች እንደሚሉት፣ ይህ መጽሐፍ ለወጣቶች እና ለመጪው ትውልድ ከትግል፣ ከቁርጠኝነት እና ከአገልግሎት ጋር ተያይዘው ሊጠና የሚገቡ ትምህርቶችን ይዟል።
“የሕዝብ ታሪክ ካልተዘከረ፣ ታሪክ ሕዝቡን አይረሳውም” በሚል ሀሳብ የተዘጋጀው ይህ መጽሐፍ ትውልዱን ከራሱ ታሪክ ጋር ለማገናኘት ያለመ ነው።
የመጽሐፉ የምርቃት ሥነ ሥርዓት ለሕዝብ ክፍት የሚሆን ሲሆን፣ አዘጋጆቹ መጽሐፉን ማንበብ ለሚፈልጉ፣ የአመራርና የታሪክ አፍቃሪ ለሆኑ ሁሉ ይህን ጥሪ አስተላልፈዋል።
የዝግጅቱ ዝርዝር መረጃ፦
- ዝግጅት፦ የአቶ ዮናታን ድብሳ ዳ መጽሐፍ ምርቃት
- ቀን፦ ሚያዝያ 4 ቀን 2026
- ሰዓት፦ ከምሽቱ 7 ሰዓት (ከምሽቱ ፩ ሰዓት)
- ቦታ፦ ግዮን ሆቴል፣ አዲስ አበባ
- መግቢያ፦ ለሁሉም ክፍት
Manneen Murtii Aadaa: Bu’uura Nageenyaafi Tokkummaa Hawaasaa Cimsuu Keessatti Gahee Ol’aanaa Qabu
Ummanni Oromoo seenaa dheeraa keessa sirna haqaa aadaa isaaniitti bu’uureffate kan jaarrolii fi hayyoonni aadaa geggeessan qabu. Manneen Murtii Aadaa kunis gahee guddaa taphachuun nageenya hawaasaa eeguufi waldhabdee hawaasaa hiikuu keessatti hirmaatu.
OROMIYA — Manneen Murtii Aadaa Oromoo sirna haqaa hawaasaa keessatti aadaa fi duudhaa irratti hundaa’ee rakkoo ummataa hiikuun nageenya hawaasaa tiksuu keessatti gahee guddaa qabu. Rakkoolee akka walitti bu’iinsa maatii, walitti bu’iinsa ollaa fi hawaasa gidduutti uumaman karaa araaraa fi marii irratti hundaa’een furmaata kennu.
Sirni kun akka adda addummaatti yeroo fi baasii guddaa osoo hin gaafatin dhimmoota ykn waldhabdee hiikuun hariiroo hawaasaa akka hin diigamne godha. Kunis hawaasni nagaa fi tasgabbiin jiraachuu danda’u.
Bu’uurri Isaa Aadaa fi Duudhaa
Manneen Murtii Aadaa sirna haqaa kan aadaa fi duudhaa Oromoo irratti hundaa’een hojjetu yoo ta’u, kaayyoon isaa ijoon waldhabdee furuun nagaa fi tokkummaa hawaasaa eeguudha. Sirni kun hariiroo hawaasaa cimsuufi walitti bu’iinsa garaagaraa furuuf karaa salphaa fi hawaasatti dhihoo ta’e uuma.
Jaarsoliin biyyaa fi hayyoonni aadaa kanneen beekumsaafi muuxannoo dhaloota darbe irraa argatan fayyadamuun dhimmoota hawaasaa hiikuun duudhaa sana dhaloota darbee gara fulduraatti dabarsuuf gargaaru.
Gahee Jaarsolii fi Hayyoota Aadaa
Manneen Murtii Aadaa keessatti gaheen jaarsolii biyyaa fi hayyoota aadaa baay’ee murteessaadha. Isaan kunneen beekumsa isaanii fi muuxannoo jireenyaa fayyadamuun waldhabdee furuuf qofa osoo hin taane, hawaasa keessatti nagaa fi tokkummaa cimsuuf hojjetu.
Jaarsoliin kunneen aadaa, duudhaa fi seera Oromoo beekanii rakkoo hawaasaa hiikuun dhaloota darbee fi kan fulduraa gidduutti walitti hidhaa uumu. Akkasumas, isaan dhaloota dargaggootaaf fakkeenya ta’uun amala gaarii fi kabaja hawaasaa barsiisu.
Furmaata Araaraa fi Marii Irratti Hundaa’e
Manneen Murtii Aadaa adabbii irratti utuu hin hundoofne, araara fi marii irratti hundaa’ee waldhabdee furuuf yaala. Kun immoo ossoo walitti bu’iinsa cimsuu fi diiguu utuu hin taane, walitti araarsee nageenya hawaasaa eeguuf gargaara.
Sirni kun hawaasa keessatti hariiroo gaarii uumuufi walitti dhufeenya cimsuuf gumaacha guddaa qaba. Waldhabdee yeroo kana furmaata argatu, namoonni walitti bu’an walitti araaramuun akka turan taasisa.
Aadaa Dhaloota Darbee Bulchuufi Kan Fulduraa Ijaaru
Manneen Murtii Aadaa sirna haqaa aadaa Oromoo kan dhaloota darbee irraa dhaalan yoo ta’u, kunis dhaloota har’aafi kan fulduraatiif bu’uura guddaa ta’a. Sirni kun duudhaa Oromoo jiraachisuun akka inni hin dagatamneefi dhaloota itti aanuuf akka dabarfamu godha.
Dhaloonni dargaggoon Manneen Murtii Aadaa keessatti hirmaachuun aadaa fi duudhaa isaanii baratu. Kunis eenyummaa Oromoo cimsuufi seenaa isaanii akka hin daganne gochuuf gumaacha guddaa qaba.
Nageenya, Waliigaltee fi Tokkummaa Hawaasaa Cimsuu
Manneen Murtii Aadaa nageenya, waliigaltee fi tokkummaa hawaasaa cimsuun sirna haqaa hawaasaaf dhihoo ta’e ijaaruufi duudhaa Oromoo ganamaatti deebi’uu keessatti shoora olaanaa qabu. Sirni kun hawaasa keessatti nagaa fi tasgabbiin akka jiraatu gochuun bu’uura guddaa ta’a.
Hawaasni nagaa fi tokkummaan jiraatu, guddinaa fi misooma argachuuf carraa qaba. Manneen Murtii Aadaa kunis bu’uura kana cimsuuf hojjetu.
Guddina Sirna Murtii Aadaa Oromoo
Manneen Murtii Aadaa Oromoo akka qaama sirna haqaa hawaasaa Oromootti fudhatama argachuufi cimsuuf hojiin itti fufaa jira. Sirni kun akka aadaa Oromootti eegamuufi dhaloota itti aanuuf dabarfamuuf yaaliiwwan garaagaraa godhaa jira.
Dabalataan, sirni kun sirna haqaa kan ammayyaa wajjin walitti hidhamee hojjechuu danda’a. Kunis hawaasni haqa aadaa fi haqa ammayyaa walitti maksee argachuu danda’a.
Gabaabaatti
Manneen Murtii Aadaa Oromoo bu’uura nageenyaa fi tokkummaa hawaasaa cimsuu keessatti gahee ol’aanaa qabu. Sirni kun aadaa fi duudhaa Oromoo eeguun dhaloota darbee kan fulduraatiif dabarsuun nagaa fi tasgabbiin hawaasaa akka jiraatu godha.
Kanaafuu, Manneen Murtii Aadaa kunis sirna haqaa hawaasaa keessatti bakka murteessaa qabaachuu isaa hubachuun, isaan cimsuufi eeguun dirqama keenya. Jaarsolii biyyaa fi hayyoonni aadaa hirmaachisanii hojjechuun isaanii hawaasa keenyaaf bu’uura guddaa ta’a.
Hub: Suurawwan gubbaatti mul’atan suuraa muraasa manneen Murtii Aadaa Oromiyaa keessatti argaman keessaa muraasatu fudhatame. Isaanis Manneen Murtii Aadaa jiranii fi hojiirra jiran agarsiisu. 🤝
Oromiyaa #MurtiiAadaa #NageenyaHawaasaa #Tokkummaa #JaarsoliiBiyyaa #AadaaOromoo #DuudhaaOromoo #AraaraFiMarii
Abbabach Gobena:The Woman Who Became a Mother to Millions Orphanage and beyond.
From the pain of famine to a lifetime of compassion — the remarkable journey of the Ethiopian woman known as Africa’s Mother Teresa, who gave hope, dignity, and a future to more than a million orphaned children.
Abbabach Gobena – The Mother Teresa of Africa lost her father during the period of the Italian occupation of Abyssinia/ Ethiopia/. At the age of ten, she was forced into marriage. Refusing to accept a life decided for her, she fled and made her way to Finfine /Addis Ababa/. In the city she struggled to rebuild her life, pursued her education with determination, and eventually secured a stable job.
Abbabach was a woman of deep faith. Her spiritual life guided her actions and shaped her character. She loved God deeply and placed great trust in her faith. During the Derg era, around 1980, she undertook a spiritual pilgrimage to Gishen Mariam, one of Ethiopia’s most sacred religious sites.
After completing the pilgrimage and beginning her journey back to Addis Ababa, she passed through Wollo, which at the time was suffering from a devastating famine. What she witnessed there changed the direction of her life forever.
She saw people dying from hunger. Families had been destroyed by starvation, and countless children had been left without parents. Among the heartbreaking scenes she encountered was a small child trying to breastfeed from his mother who had already died from hunger. The child, unaware of death, was still desperately searching for milk from a lifeless body of his mother.
When Abbabach saw this scene, she was deeply shaken. She could not walk away. Overcome with compassion, she picked up the child and took him with her. At that moment, the only thing she possessed was a small bottle of holy water she had brought from Gishen. Yet despite having almost nothing, she made a life-changing decision. She began caring for children who had lost their parents to famine and hardship.
Abbabach started raising orphaned children with whatever means she could find. She worked tirelessly, taking on different kinds of labor to support them. Within just one year, she had already taken in 21 children.
What began as a single act of compassion gradually grew into a lifelong mission. Over the course of her life, Abbabach Gobena went on to rescue, support, and educate more than 1.5 million children. She helped them grow, receive education, and become self-reliant members of society.
Today, her extraordinary life continues to inspire people across Ethiopia and beyond. In honor of her legacy, a film titled “Adaraa Abbabach” has been produced to tell the story of this remarkable woman who became a mother to millions. Plans are also underway to establish a hospital bearing her name so that her service to humanity may continue in new forms.
The name Abbabach Gobena has become a symbol of compassion, faith, honesty and sacrifice.Yet remembering her name alone is not enough. The greatest tribute to her life is to continue the work she began — caring for the vulnerable, protecting children, and standing with those in need.
This week we renew our commitment to the legacy of Abbabach Gobena. By learning about the work done in her name and contributing in whatever way we can, we carry forward the promise she made through her life.
May God help us succeed in continuing her mission.
Exclusive: Prosperity Party Officials Accused of Colluding with Security Forces to Thwart Opposition in Oromia Ahead of June Elections
FINFINNE – With less than three months until Ethiopia’s seventh general elections, scheduled for June 1, 2026, the political atmosphere in the Oromia region is becoming increasingly charged. Sources within several zones and districts have revealed to local media that officials from the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) are moving secretly through communities, allegedly instructing party and security bodies to disrupt opposition activities.
According to accounts collected from residents in multiple districts, PP leaders at the zonal and district level are holding undisclosed meetings with security apparatuses. These sources claim that directives have been issued to monitor and crack down on political rivals rather than allowing them to campaign freely.
“People in our districts and zones are not speaking out,” one resident told a local reporter on condition of anonymity. “They told us in secret that directives are being given to party and security offices to work against us. They are using the election as a cover while they try to move through Oromia to stir up trouble and spy on opposition activities.”
The informants specifically identified concerns regarding the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Community members expressed that while they have no issue with the OLF contesting elections peacefully, they oppose the idea of the party using the electoral process as a pretext for movement and mobilization across the region under the current circumstances.
“If the OLF wants to compete, let them do so like they do in Addis Ababa, but campaigning inside Oromia is a concern for our party,” a source quoted local PP hardliners as arguing. “But now they are moving through the zones and entering districts. If they are not allowed to compete, it is very worrying. Therefore, we need to follow their movements and take action preemptively.”
These allegations point to a strategy of preemptive disruption, with reports suggesting that regional officials are coordinating with unspecified parties to monitor and counter the opposition’s reach into rural constituencies.
The claims come amid a backdrop of severe political fragmentation and security concerns. Analysts note that the Oromia region, which holds the largest number of parliamentary seats (178 seats in the House of Peoples’ Representatives and 537 in the regional council) , remains a volatile battleground. The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) insurgency continues in several zones, including East and West Wollega, rendering large areas insecure and complicating logistical preparations for the vote.
Opposition parties have long argued that the playing field is tilted. The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has previously stated that participating in elections while its leaders are imprisoned or under threat would be “politics over the graves of its people” . In a joint statement issued late last year, a coalition of ten opposition parties, including the OLF and OFC, warned that proceeding without “enabling conditions”—such as the release of political prisoners, the reopening of party offices, and guarantees of freedom of movement—would result in a “sham democracy”.
The National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) has cleared over 60 political parties to contest and approved 45 domestic observer groups . However, logistical and security hurdles remain daunting. A recent report by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) highlighted that freedom of movement is “under siege” in multiple regions, with roadblocks, ambushes, and curfews making it nearly impossible for civilians and candidates to move safely—a prerequisite for any credible election.
“The NEBE must evolve from a mere administrator of rules to a courageous facilitator of political consensus,” wrote Sultan Kassim, an OFC official, in a recent analysis. “An election that is boycotted or only symbolically contested will not resolve Ethiopia’s deep-seated political questions. It will exacerbate them.”.
The residents who spoke out warn that the alleged collusion between party officials and security forces threatens to undermine the will of the Oromo people. “We send a message of brotherhood to everyone holding onto their Oromo identity in the zones and districts,” a resident pleaded. “Do not accept these directives they are giving you. Do not let them drag you into committing a crime against your own people.”
As the June 1 polling date approaches , the credibility of the election hangs in the balance. The combination of active insurgencies, restricted civic space, and deepening distrust between the ruling party and opposition forces suggests that without urgent corrective measures, the 2026 vote may struggle to confer legitimacy or unify the nation.
Commentary: Of Elders, Apologies, and the Weight of Generational Debt
By Daandii Oromia
There is a photograph circulating on social media this week. In it, a young man sits at the feet of elders. His head is bowed slightly. The elders regard him with the mixture of suspicion and tenderness that only old men can muster when they look at the young.
The man is Habtamu Lamu. And he has done something remarkable: he has apologised.
“I represent my generation,” he wrote. “I have asked forgiveness from our elders.”
It is a simple act. But in a cultural landscape where elders are too often dismissed as obstacles rather than honoured as anchors, it carries the weight of centuries.
The weight of what was taken
Habtamu’s apology was not generic. It was directed specifically at those who carried the struggle for Oromo liberation through its darkest decades—veterans like the venerable intellectual Leenco Lata and former Oromia President Hasan Ali Waaqayyo.
“Sitting at the feet of elders, I learned many things,” Habtamu wrote. “May God grant them long life.”
One does not need to agree with every political position these men have ever taken to recognise what they represent. They are living archives. They carry within their bones the memory of what was done to the Oromo people, and the memory of what was done by Oromo people in the long march toward dignity.
Leenco Lata, in particular, embodies a certain kind of Oromo intellectual tradition—rigorous, uncompromising, and deeply rooted in the soil of his people’s experience. His writings on Oromo political history are not mere academic exercises; they are acts of preservation, ensuring that a generation born after the struggle understands what came before.
The rejoinder: who owes what to whom?
But no act of public apology goes unanswered in our times. Enter Magaada Boruu, whose response cuts against the grain of Habtamu’s humility.
“We, this generation, have nothing to apologise for,” he wrote. “If anything, we have been imprisoned and tortured ourselves, while they returned to their properties and prospered! Ashqaabbaxuunis hanguma obboo Gingilshaa”
The emojis do not disguise the anger beneath the words. Magaada Boruu speaks for a generation that watched many of the old guard return from exile to reclaim houses and land while young activists filled prisons. He invokes the name of Gingilshaa—the Oromo revolutionary flame—as witness to his claim.
And he is not entirely wrong.
There is a painful asymmetry in the Oromo experience of the past decade. Some elders returned to comfortable retirements. Some young people returned to torture chambers. The revolution devoured its children even as it elevated its patriarchs.
The dialectic of debt
Between Habtamu’s apology and Magaada’s rejection lies the full complexity of Oromo politics today.
Habtamu recognises something true: that generations build upon generations, that no struggle begins in a vacuum, that the young walk paths carved by the old through bush and briar. There is dignity in acknowledging that debt.
Magaada recognises something equally true: that debt can be claimed fraudulently, that suffering is not evenly distributed across generations, that some elders used the young as cannon fodder while securing their own exits. There is justice in demanding accountability.
The danger is that these two truths become mutually exclusive—that the young refuse all honour to the old, or that the old demand all honour from the young without examination of their own compromises.
Sitting at the feet
Habtamu’s photograph captures something worth preserving: a young man choosing to sit rather than to stand, to listen rather than to speak, to honour rather than to dismiss.
In Oromo tradition, the jaarsummaa—the council of elders—is not merely a social institution but a philosophical one. It rests on the understanding that wisdom accumulates slowly, that no single generation possesses all truth, that the young who do not sit at the feet of elders will eventually have no feet to sit at.
But elders, too, have obligations. The feet at which the young sit must be feet that walked toward justice, not away from it. The wisdom imparted must be wisdom tested by experience, not merely authority asserted by age.
The long road
The Oromo struggle has always been a relay race across generations, not a sprint within them. The baton passes from those who fought with the pen (like Leenco Lata), to those who fought with the gun, to those who fight now with keyboards and courage and the willingness to fill prisons.
Each generation stumbles. Each generation falls short. Each generation imagines itself the first to truly understand what is required.
And each generation must decide whether it will honour what came before while building what must come after—or whether it will burn down the past in the name of a future it cannot yet see.
Habtamu has chosen to honour. Magaada has chosen to question.
Perhaps both are necessary. Perhaps the Oromo people need young people who sit at the feet of elders and young people who demand that those elders account for what they did while sitting in comfort.
But in the photograph, the young man sits. The elders look at him. And something passes between them that cannot be captured in Facebook comments or Twitter threads—something older than politics, deeper than grievance, more enduring than any single generation’s anger.
It is simply this: the recognition that we belong to each other across time, that the debt runs both ways, that apology and accountability are not opposites but partners in the long work of becoming a people worthy of our ancestors and our descendants.
May God grant long life to those who carry memory. May God grant courage to those who carry struggle. And may God grant wisdom to all of us who must somehow do both at once.
The views expressed in this commentary are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the positions of any organisation or institution.
A Scholar Between Two Worlds: Professor Asmerom Legesse Laid to Rest in Asmara
The renowned anthropologist, who bridged Eritrean patriotism with pioneering scholarship on Oromo democracy, was honored at a state funeral after his body was returned from the United States for burial.
Asmara — A funeral service for Professor Asmerom Legesse was held today at Asmara’s Evangelical Lutheran Church Cemetery, bringing home one of the Horn of Africa’s most distinguished intellectual figures for burial in the land of his birth .
The ceremony was attended by Ministers, senior government and PFDJ officials, religious leaders, and family members, reflecting the high esteem in which Professor Legesse was held by the Eritrean state . His body had been transported from the United States, where he passed away on 31 January at the age of 94 .
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed “deep sorrow” over his passing, conveying condolences to his family and friends in an official statement.
A towering intellectual figure
Professor Asmerom was a prominent and illustrious anthropologist who produced important research during his tenure at some of America’s most prestigious institutions, including Harvard, Boston, Northwestern, and Chicago universities. A Harvard-trained anthropologist, he served as Emeritus Professor of Anthropology at Swarthmore College.
His scholarship spanned more than half a century, during which he conducted extensive field research among the Oromo people of Ethiopia and Kenya, living among Borana and other Oromo communities to understand the intricate workings of the Gadaa system from within .
His seminal 1973 work, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, introduced the world to the sophisticated constitutional and democratic principles embedded in the Gadaa system. The book was revolutionary in its methodology and presented Gadaa as a highly developed system of checks and balances, age-set organization, and rotational leadership that had governed Oromo society for centuries.
Nearly three decades later, he published Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System (2000), which became the most authoritative scholarly work on the subject and was instrumental in UNESCO’s recognition of Gadaa as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016.
Two homelands, one legacy
Professor Legesse’s life embodied the complex intertwining of Eritrean and Oromo histories. Born in 1931 in Geza Kenisha, Asmara, he grew up in the same area where the pioneering Oromo scholar Onesimos Nesib had sought refuge and translated the Bible into Afaan Oromoo more than a century earlier. Advocacy for Oromia noted this “physical proximity” as a powerful metaphor, linking the spiritual resilience of those earlier figures with Professor Legesse’s intellectual fortitude in defending Oromo identity.
For the Oromo people, he became known as “Abbaa Gadaa”—a symbolic recognition of his role as a guardian of their threatened heritage. The Oromo Studies Association described him as a “kinsman of the Oromo people” whose work on Oromo customs, history, and culture significantly advanced understanding of political and social systems across Africa.
Defender of Eritrea
Beyond his academic achievements, Professor Legesse served his country and people in various capacities over four decades. From 1984 until independence, he served as Chairman of the U.S. branch of the Eritrean Relief Association, supporting Eritrea’s liberation struggle.
In 1998, he published well-researched documents on atrocities perpetrated by the Ethiopian regime against Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean origin. He also documented and exposed extensive gender-based violence committed by the Ethiopian army during its occupation of various areas, particularly in the Senafe sub-zone during the border war.
In 2015, he played a significant role in countering what Eritrea viewed as attempts to dehumanize the nation through allegations of human rights violations, preparing a critique of the UN Human Rights Commission on Eritrea for a meeting at the House of Lords in the United Kingdom.
A complex political geography
Professor Legesse’s life was not without political complication. In 2017, despite his stature as the world’s leading authority on Gadaa and an invitation to attend a historic Gadaa power transfer ceremony in Borana, the Ethiopian government refused to issue him a visa, citing his Eritrean background . The incident reflected the tragic political tensions that for decades prevented scholarly exchange between the two countries.
Yet his influence on Oromo scholarship remained profound. Ezekiel Gebissa, professor of history and African studies at Kettering University, wrote in a tribute: “For the Oromo people, whose culture Asmarom studied for more than half a century, death is not an ending but a passage from the world of binary reality to the realm of singularity. It is fitting to imagine him joining the ancestors he so often wrote about”.
An enduring legacy
Professor Legesse’s work challenged colonial narratives that had dismissed African governance systems as primitive or lacking in sophistication. The Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau emphasized that his life’s work preserved the Oromo Gadaa system and documented its practices for future generations, serving as a bridge for knowledge and scholarship.
The Oromo Liberation Front issued a statement describing his passing as a significant loss to the Oromo community. “His research highlighted Gadaa’s principles of equality, leadership rotation, and social cohesion, positioning it as a model of African democracy,” the statement read.
At his funeral in Asmara, the gathering of state officials, religious leaders, and family members honored a man who had walked many paths—from the shearing sheds of his youth to the hallowed halls of Harvard, from the remote airstrips of Farrer to the Gadaa assemblies of Borana. His final manuscript, Gada: Democratic Institutions of the Borana Oromo, is expected to be published posthumously.
“His work did not merely preserve the past,” wrote OROMIA TODAY in a tribute. “It equipped future generations with evidence and language to assert historical truth”.
“A Country Without Freedom”: Veteran Journalist Zeru Belay Exposes Decades of State Control Over Ethiopian Media
In a searing personal account, the veteran reporter reveals how governments from Meles Zenawi to Abiy Ahmed have manipulated, intimidated, and suppressed independent journalism
ADDIS ABABA — For three decades, Zeru Belay worked inside the belly of the beast. As a reporter, editor, and finally a senior figure at Ethiopian Television, he witnessed firsthand how successive regimes turned the state broadcaster into an instrument of control rather than a source of information. Now, in a lengthy and devastating personal account, he has pulled back the curtain on the systematic manipulation that has defined Ethiopian media for generations .
“Among the institutions the government controls through its officials, extending its hand deep into their operations, state media are at the forefront,” Belay writes. “And Ethiopian Television, which until recently was the only broadcaster, has attracted the most attention from government officials. If I said that Ethiopian Television is the leading institution where officials use their authority to interfere, I would not be exaggerating” .
The Meles Zenawi Era: When a Reporter’s Words Became a Crime
Belay’s account begins with a chilling anecdote from the Meles Zenawi era that illustrates the impossible position of journalists under authoritarian rule .
He was assigned to cover a discussion between Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Addis Ababa University professors. When Meles made a remark suggesting the professors seemed “stuck in a garrison mentality,” Belay reported it as news. The report aired, and the next day, the country was in an uproar .
Belay was summoned by his manager, Assefa Bekele, and told they needed to visit Berket Simon, a senior official. At the office, Berket was “consumed by rage.” He rushed the assembled media professionals to Meles’s parking garage—a secure area that felt less like a meeting place and more like an interrogation room .
There, surrounded by security, Berket demanded to know why Belay had aired Meles’s remark. When Belay responded, “I don’t understand what mistake I made,” Berket’s anger intensified. “How can you say you don’t understand? You’re making news by snatching words from people’s mouths and you say you don’t understand?”
Belay stood his ground: “Unless I fabricated it myself, what is my mistake? Didn’t Ato Meles say those words?”
Berket then shifted tactics: “The words Ato Meles spoke are not your fabrication. He spoke them correctly. But how did you, as a responsible journalist, fail to consider why he said them?”
The argument continued, with Belay alone defending himself while other journalists and officials remained silent. Finally, Berket asked a question designed to destroy: “How are you different from a blogger?” At the time, bloggers were considered troublemakers by the government .
Belay understood he had reached the edge. “I realized nothing I said would help. If this man falls on me, or I fall on him, I would be the one to break.” He conceded: “I should have considered what you said.”
The resolution was telling. Belay was told a program would be produced presenting Meles’s full remarks. When he submitted the script, Berket reviewed it carefully and approved it. “At least the media will gain credibility,” he said. But Belay had been placed on a blacklist for simply reporting what the Prime Minister said .
The Price of Truth: Threats and Blacklists
Belay’s account reveals that journalists who reported uncomfortable truths paid a price—even when those truths came directly from the mouths of the most powerful officials. His “crime” was not fabrication or distortion, but failing to “consider” why Meles said what he said—in other words, failing to self-censor in advance .
This created an impossible professional environment. Journalists could not simply report what officials said; they had to anticipate how their words might be received, what interpretations might be drawn, and whether reporting the truth would be seen as a betrayal. The journalist’s duty to inform became subordinate to the official’s desire to control narrative and perception .
A Leader Who Protected Journalists: The Solome Tadesa Story
Yet Belay’s account also reveals that even within this oppressive system, some officials protected journalistic integrity at tremendous personal risk .
During a period of student unrest at Addis Ababa University in 1993 E.C. (2000/01 G.C.), Belay and colleague Shelesh Shibru were sent to cover the protests. When they arrived, police initially blocked them, but they persuaded the commander to let them in .
Inside, they found a student who had been beaten and was bleeding. When they tried to document it, some students objected: “We won’t allow you to mock our blood! We know you!” A heated debate divided students—some supporting coverage, others opposing .
Those supporting coverage prevailed, and Belay documented the blood and the damaged dormitory. Returning to the office, they reported to their editor, Solome Tadesa. After viewing the footage, Solomon insisted the blood must air. When Belay and Shibru tried to argue, Solome held firm: “By no means should the blood be omitted, but add doctors’ commentary about the injury”.
The report aired, and the protests spread nationwide—to Alemaya University, Jimma University, and beyond. Then-Minister of Education Genet Zewdie called Solomon with a threatening message: “Because of the blood you showed, all the country’s students have risen. Congratulations.”
Solome’s response was remarkable: “We broadcast the truth. If you want to harm anyone, you can do whatever you want to me—but don’t let anything happen to the journalists.”
Belay reflects: “We had a leader who would defend journalists like that. But they didn’t last.”
Government Interference Without Limit
Belay’s decades of experience at Ethiopian Television newsroom taught him that interference from officials is constant and without limit. As a result, journalists face immense challenges in maintaining their professional independence .
He describes rising through the ranks to become an editor—a role that involves shaping news, ensuring proper packaging, and supervising evening broadcasts. At every level, he witnessed how officials’ interests determined what Ethiopians could see and hear .
The pattern Belay describes is consistent across regimes: journalists who report uncomfortable truths face intimidation, blacklisting, and threats. Those who survive learn to anticipate what officials want—to self-censor before anyone has to tell them. The result is media that serves power rather than the public.
Who Is Zeru Belay?
Belay concludes his account with a brief autobiography, grounding his critique in the lived experience of a man who rose from humble beginnings to become one of Ethiopia’s most experienced journalists .
Born in Woreilu, Wollo Province, in the Jama district, in a place called Aley, Belay began his education in Degolo town under a traditional teacher (nebab bet) before attending Degolo Elementary School. He completed junior secondary in Degolo and secondary at Woreilu Comprehensive Secondary School .
When his matriculation results weren’t as expected, he left Wollo for Addis Ababa, where he used tailoring skills learned from his father to earn money selling second-hand clothes on the street. But national military service was announced, disrupting his plans. After trying to avoid conscription, he eventually served, receiving officer training and being commissioned as a lieutenant in the Tigray front, 16th Division, 120th Brigade, in Adigrat .
After four years, he was discharged in Pagume 1981 E.C. (September 1989 G.C.). He then joined EPRDF and worked in security at the transitional conference that established the new government .
Later assigned to Radio Ethiopia, he began his journalism career. Without ever producing a radio program, he was transferred to Ethiopian Television, starting as a reporter. Over 30 years, he has worked across the country, produced numerous reports on transportation problems, traffic accidents, forest and wildlife conservation, agricultural modernization, and many other topics .
He holds a diploma from the former Mass Media Training Institute and a degree in Journalism and Communication from Addis Ababa University, specializing in broadcasting, graduating with good grades. He has also taken short courses in Ethiopia and abroad .
“A Country Without Freedom”
Belay’s account, published under the headline “A Country Without Freedom,” offers a rare insider’s perspective on how Ethiopian media has been systematically captured by political power. From Meles Zenawi’s era through the present, the pattern remains consistent: journalists who tell uncomfortable truths pay a price; those who learn to anticipate official desires survive; and the public is denied the information it needs for genuine democratic participation .
The title encapsulates his verdict on Ethiopia’s political condition: a country without freedom, where even reporting the words of the most powerful can land a journalist on a blacklist, and where those who defend journalistic integrity are eventually pushed out .
Contemporary Relevance
Belay’s historical account resonates powerfully with Ethiopia’s current media landscape. As reported separately, the Ethiopian Media Authority revoked Addis Standard’s license on February 24, 2026, alleging “repeated violations of media ethics, national laws, and the country’s national interests” —the same vague charges that have been used for decades to silence independent voices .
International press freedom organizations have condemned Ethiopia’s escalating repression, with the Committee to Protect Journalists counting 12 journalists behind bars—among the worst in Africa. Ethiopia now ranks 145th out of 180 countries in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index, falling into the “very serious” category .
As Belay’s account makes clear, this is not a new development but the continuation of a long pattern. From Meles Zenawi through Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopian governments have treated media as an instrument of control rather than a public service. Journalists who refuse to comply face intimidation, blacklisting, and imprisonment. The public, deprived of independent information, cannot meaningfully participate in democratic life .
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
Belay concludes his account by noting that despite 30 years in journalism, navigating countless ups and downs, he continues working. But his testimony stands as both a warning and a call: a warning about how thoroughly state media can be captured by power, and a call for the independent journalism Ethiopia desperately needs .
The stories he tells—of reporters threatened for simply reporting leaders’ words, of editors who defended truth at great personal risk, of officials who manipulated news to serve their interests—reveal a media system that has never been allowed to serve its proper function. Until that changes, Ethiopia will remain, in Belay’s words, “a country without freedom.”
Liberal Party in Turmoil: Angus Taylor Elected Opposition Leader as Susan Lee Announces Retirement from Politics
By Hayyuu Oromia
Feature News
In a stunning political realignment that has sent shockwaves through Australia’s political landscape, Angus Taylor has been elected as the new leader of the Liberal Party and Opposition, decisively defeating Susan Lee in a 34–17 vote of the Liberal Party room. The result, which hands Taylor a commanding 17-vote margin, marks the first time in the Liberal Party’s history that a woman leader has been ousted and effectively compelled to exit public life altogether.
Ms Lee, who made history as the first female leader of the federal Liberal Party, has announced she will tender her resignation to the Speaker and retire from Parliament entirely—bringing a definitive close to a political career that once held the promise of breaking the nation’s highest glass ceiling.
The Numbers That Shifted
According to sources within the party room who spoke to SBS News on condition of anonymity, Taylor secured 37 votes from the 51-member Liberal Party room—a commanding majority that reflected not merely his own support base but a significant cross-over of former Lee loyalists.
“Some of Susan’s own people crossed the floor in that room,” one senior Liberal source said. “That’s what made the margin so devastating. It wasn’t just that Angus won. It was that her own tent had holes she hadn’t seen coming.”
The 34–17 count among voting members represented not merely a defeat but a collapse. For a sitting leader—particularly one who had broken historical ground—to lose by such a margin signaled deep fractures that had been concealed beneath public displays of unity.
‘I Don’t Know What Comes Next’
Emerging from the party room, Ms Lee appeared composed but visibly somber as she addressed waiting journalists. Her statement was brief, personal, and delivered with the restraint of a politician accustomed to public composure—yet carrying undertones of finality.
“I will be tendering my resignation letter to the Speaker,” she said. “I don’t know what comes next. I intend to spend time with my family—to withdraw entirely from public life.”
There was no pledge to contest again. No hint of a return. No fight for redemption. In a matter of sentences, Australia’s most senior female Liberal parliamentarian signaled the quiet close of a chapter that many had hoped would span years.
Colleagues who spoke with her afterward described a woman at peace with her decision, if not the circumstances that precipitated it.
“She wasn’t angry,” one longtime ally said. “She was tired. There’s a difference between being defeated and being done. Susan was done.”
Taylor’s Challenge: Unity Without Concession
For Angus Taylor, the victory presents both opportunity and immediate pressure. Assuming the leadership of a divided party room requires more than numbers; it demands the ability to heal wounds he did not create but from which he has now benefited.
Taylor’s supporters characterize him as a seasoned economic manager with the gravitas to hold the government to account. His detractors—including some who voted for him—wonder whether the manner of his ascension will haunt his early tenure.
“He didn’t just win. He won because Susan’s people abandoned her,” a Liberal moderate said. “That creates expectations. It creates resentments. And it creates questions about what promises were made behind closed doors.”
Taylor himself has not commented on the internal dynamics of the vote, issuing a brief statement thanking his colleagues and paying tribute to Ms Lee’s “historic leadership and dedicated service to the party and the nation.”
The First Woman Curse?
Ms Lee’s departure renews uncomfortable questions within the Liberal Party about its relationship with women leaders—and the political price they appear to pay for occupying the role.
She is the third woman to lead the federal Liberal partyroom, following the tenures of Julie Bishop, who never led the party to an election and was deposed before contesting one, and Tony Abbott’s single term. But Lee’s case is distinct: she was elected leader, contested an election, and was removed before she could lead the party to a second.
“She did what she was asked to do,” a former staffer reflected. “She stabilised the party. She made them competitive again. And this is how it ends—not with a loss at the ballot box, but with her own colleagues deciding they’d seen enough.”
The contrast with Labor’s treatment of female leaders—Julia Gillard was removed by her party, but contested again and remained in Parliament—has not gone unnoticed. Lee’s immediate and total exit suggests a rupture beyond ordinary leadership defeat.
What Remains
Ms Lee’s departure leaves a vacuum not only in the Liberal Party’s leadership but in its parliamentary ranks. Her seat, considered reasonably safe, will trigger a closely watched by-election that will serve as an early referendum on the Taylor leadership and the government’s standing.
For the Liberal Party, the challenge is immediate: present a coherent alternative to a government seeking re-election, while managing the fallout of removing—and effectively retiring—a leader who broke barriers but could not hold her ground.
For Ms Lee, the future is deliberately undefined. “I don’t know what comes next,” she said. For a woman who spent decades knowing exactly what came next—policy briefings, media appearances, late sittings, electorate events—that uncertainty is itself a form of liberation.
Whether it is also a loss—for her party, for women in politics, for the institution of Parliament itself—will be debated long after she has cleared her office and returned to the private life she has briefly, poignantly claimed as her next act.
Ethiopia’s Strategic Crossroads: When Criticism Blurs the Line Between Government and Nation
By Maatii Sabaa
Feature News
In the high-stakes arena of the Horn of Africa, where geopolitics shifts like tectonic plates beneath ancient soils, a troubling pattern has emerged in Ethiopia’s opposition discourse—one that increasingly conflates personal grievances against a sitting prime minister with the nation’s enduring strategic interests.
Over the past several days, Jawar Mohammed, once a close ally of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and now one of his most prominent critics, has launched a series of attacks against Ethiopia’s posture toward the deepening crisis in neighboring Sudan. His criticism, while occasionally resting on isolated facts, appears to systematically strip those facts of their broader strategic context—reducing complex national security calculations to evidence of government incompetence or malice.
The distinction being lost, critics argue, is one upon which stable democracies are built: the difference between the party in power and the state itself.
Facts Without Context: The Strategic Vacuum
Some of the reports circulated by Mohammed and his associates may be factually accurate in their narrowest sense. Ethiopia has indeed sought to protect its strategic interests amid Sudan’s collapse. It has engaged with actors on the ground. It has not adopted the posture of a passive observer.
Yet to present these moves as evidence of strategic folly—without reference to the regional power competition, Ethiopia’s existential stake in Sudanese stability, or the active interventions of other external actors—is to substitute selective outrage for sober analysis.
“The tragedy unfolding in Sudan is indeed exacerbated by foreign intervention,” one regional analyst noted, speaking on condition of anonymity. “But Ethiopia is hardly unique in pursuing its interests. What’s unique is Ethiopia’s vulnerability.”
No country in the region, and perhaps few beyond it, stands to lose more from a permanently destabilized Sudan. Ethiopia shares a 744-kilometer border with its northern neighbor. It hosts hundreds of thousands of Sudanese refugees. Its access to critical trade routes, its management of transboundary water resources, and its exposure to cross-border armed group proliferation are all directly implicated in Sudan’s trajectory.
Egypt and other regional actors are not neutral mediators. They have been actively shaping the conflict’s trajectory to favor preferred belligerents. To suggest that Ethiopia should operate as though this were not the case—or that acknowledging these realities somehow constitutes aggression—reflects what one foreign policy specialist described as “an aversion to the very language of national security.”
The Luxury of Abstraction
Mohammed positions himself as a politician-activist, a hybrid role that in theory could bridge grassroots mobilization and high-level policy engagement. But his recent posture suggests discomfort with the hard currency of statecraft: strategic interest, national security, geopolitical positioning.
In the Horn of Africa—a region defined by proxy competition, transboundary militant threats, and zero-sum maneuvering among rival states—such discomfort is not a virtue. It is a liability.
“States do not have the luxury of moral abstraction when core national interests are at stake,” said a former Ethiopian diplomat who requested anonymity to speak candidly. “You can critique how a government pursues those interests. You can propose alternative strategies. But to pretend that Ethiopia should have no strategy at all—or to frame every strategic move as evidence of malign intent simply because it originates from this prime minister—is not analysis. It’s partisan grievance dressed in policy language.”
The pattern has raised concerns among observers who note that Mohammed, widely believed to harbor ambitions for higher office, appears to be adopting what one analyst termed a “scorched-earth posture” not merely toward the Abiy administration but toward the Ethiopian state itself.
Governments Change. Geography Doesn’t.
This conflation carries implications beyond the immediate policy debates.
Governments are transient. Parties rise and fall. But strategic geography is stubborn. Ethiopia’s long-term national interests—its access to the sea, the security of its borders, the stability of its neighborhood, the viability of its water security arrangements—will outlast any single administration.
A credible political alternative, analysts argue, must demonstrate the capacity to distinguish between the party temporarily in power and the permanent interests of the nation. It must show that it can inherit the state without seeking to dismantle it.
“Thus far, Jawar has shown a near-pathological inability to make that distinction,” said Meheret Ayenew, a political scientist at Addis Ababa University. “The criticism never stops at the government. It bleeds into delegitimization of the state’s very right to defend its interests. That’s not opposition. That’s something else entirely.”
The Accountability Question
To be clear: critique of government policy is not only legitimate but essential. Ethiopia’s approach to the Sudan crisis, like any foreign policy posture, warrants scrutiny. Questions about coordination, consistency, and effectiveness are fair game.
But critique demands an alternative framework. What, precisely, should Ethiopia be doing differently? Should it abandon its engagement in Sudan entirely? Should it defer to Cairo’s preferred outcomes? Should it pretend that its national security is not implicated in the fate of its neighbor?
These questions, conspicuously absent from Mohammed’s recent broadsides, are the ones that distinguish serious opposition from performance.
Beyond the Immediate
The tragedy in Sudan has already claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions. For Ethiopia, the stakes are not abstract. They involve real security threats, real economic costs, and real humanitarian obligations that will persist regardless of who sits in the prime minister’s office in Addis Ababa.
In such moments, the distinction between government and state matters. A political culture that cannot sustain that distinction is one that struggles to produce durable alternatives—only perpetual opposition.
Whether Mohammed and his allies can evolve beyond this posture remains to be seen. But the clock is ticking. The region does not pause for Ethiopia to resolve its internal political debates.
And strategic interests, neglected or denied, have a way of asserting themselves regardless.
The Gavel in Chains: Judges Detained Over Alleged OLA Links in East Hararge
Subtitle: Legal Authorities Arrested as Police Claim Orders “From Above,” Raising Alarms About Judicial Independence.
In a move that strikes at the heart of judicial independence, two judges in East Hararge have been arrested on accusations of having links to the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). The arrests, carried out by the East Hararge Zonal Police, were justified with a chillingly simple explanation: “The higher body commanded us.”
The detained officials are:
- Judge Mahbuubee Jundaa, a judge serving in the Qarsaa District of East Hararge Zone. He was arrested on Saturday morning.
- Judge Abdallaa Mahammad, a judge at the East Hararge Zone High Court. He was also arrested on Saturday morning.
Both men are currently being held under the custody of the East Hararge Zonal Police Command. The sole public reason given for their detention is the allegation that they “have connections with the OLA.”
The police command’s stated justification—”The higher body commanded us”—raises immediate and profound concerns. It implies an extra-judicial directive, bypassing standard legal procedures and the principle of due process. This phrase suggests that the arrests were not necessarily based on independently investigated evidence presented to a prosecutorial body, but on orders from an unnamed superior authority.
Why This Matters:
- Assault on Judicial Independence: Judges are the cornerstone of the rule of law. Their arrest on seemingly political grounds, without transparent legal process, undermines the very notion of an impartial judiciary. It creates a climate of fear where legal decisions may be influenced by political considerations rather than evidence and law.
- The “Higher Body” Precedent: The invocation of an unnamed superior command sets a dangerous precedent. It effectively places certain individuals or institutions above the law, allowing for detentions without clear accountability or a defined chain of evidence.
- Erosion of Public Trust: When those sworn to uphold the law can be arbitrarily detained, public trust in the entire justice system erodes. Citizens may lose faith in the courts as fair arbiters, which is fundamental for social stability.
- Context of Broader Arrests: These arrests occur amidst a wider pattern of detentions of local and regional officials in Oromia under various allegations. This incident specifically targets the judiciary, marking a significant and alarming escalation.
The legal community, civil society, and all advocates for the rule of law must seek clarity. Who is the “higher body”? What specific, admissible evidence exists to warrant the arrest of these judges? They are entitled to due process, a transparent charge, and the right to a fair hearing—the very rights they were appointed to safeguard for others.
A nation cannot be governed by secret commands. The gavel must not be silenced by the chain.
#FreeTheJudges #EastHararge #JudicialIndependence #RuleOfLaw #Oromia #Ethiopia
The Dangerous Diversion: Arresting Local Leaders While Security Crumbles
Subtitle: In Ilu Abbaa Boor, a Crackdown on Prosperity Party Officials Coincides with a Deepening Security Crisis.
In a move that has sent shockwaves through the local political landscape, Obbo Rashidoo Baalchaa, the head of the Prosperity Party in Ilu Abbaa Boor Zone, along with numerous members of his executive committee, have been arrested on accusations of forming a “clandestine committee.”
This political crackdown unfolds against a backdrop of a severe and deteriorating security situation across the zone. Many districts (aanaas) are currently grappling with profound safety crises. Farmers are unable to tend to their fields, and even essential food crops left for harvest are reportedly being looted. The timing raises urgent questions: Why this focus now?
This pattern is not isolated to Ilu Abbaa Boor. In recent days, similar arrests of district and municipal administrators have been reported in several other zones. The stated justifications vary, with some vaguely linked to alleged associations with “Shane” (the OLA). This strategy of detaining mid-level officials appears to be a growing tactic.
However, this approach rings hollow against the national reality. While a full federal cabinet sits in the capital, and regional presidents operate with apparent normalcy, the relentless arrest of local administrators does not solve the core problem of instability. It often feels like a superficial fix—applying a small bandage to a gaping wound.
Furthermore, the narrative framing these detained individuals as “revolutionary sympathizers” lacks credibility. Many of those targeted are not ideological militants; they are often pragmatic local figures who have, at times, acted as crucial bridges to calm and negotiate with communities. Their removal may not weaken armed groups, but it almost certainly weakens the fragile lines of communication and local governance.
This creates a dangerous paradox: at the very moment when communities most need effective, trusted local leadership to navigate security threats, that leadership is being systematically removed from the equation. The result is not greater state control, but a deepening vacuum where fear and lawlessness thrive.
The people of Ilu Abbaa Boor and similar zones are left with a pressing plea: Do not distract us with political purges while our basic safety is stripped away. Address the root causes of the conflict. Reinforce, do not dismantle, the local structures that can build peace. The security of our homes and farms cannot be sacrificed on the altar of political maneuvering. The bandage is too small, and the wound is too deep.
The Wolves Among Us: When the Guardians Become the Predators
Subtitle: The Brutal Abduction of Two Oromia Officials and a Crisis of Trust
A chilling Oromo proverb cuts to the heart of a profound societal betrayal: “Abiyootiin ilmaan ishii nyaachutti ceete fakkaata.” – “The hyena, having eaten her own children, licks her lips.”
This week, in West Hararge, this proverb ceased to be a metaphor and became a terrifying reality. In a brazen and cowardly act, two local administrators—the very figures entrusted with the safety and governance of their communities—were violently abducted from their own homes. Hassan Mahammad, Administrator of Odaa Bultum District, and Sufiyan Ahmad, Administrator of Habro District, were reportedly taken by armed men from their residences late on Saturday night. As of this report, their whereabouts remain unknown, and their fate is a source of agonizing dread for their families and constituents.
This is not merely a crime; it is a symbolic catastrophe. These men were not just officials; they were the embodiment of the local social contract. They were the points of contact between the people and the state, responsible for development, justice, and order. Their abduction from the sanctity of their homes sends a seismic shock through the very foundations of community trust. Who, then, is safe? If those appointed to protect can be so easily seized, what security exists for the ordinary farmer, teacher, or merchant?
The hyena of the proverb is an apt image for the perpetrators, whomever they may be. It represents a force that preys upon its own, that violates the most sacred bonds of protection and community. This act consumes the very social fabric it pretends to guard, leaving behind only trauma and a bitter taste of fear.
The deafening silence and lack of immediate resolution amplify the terror. The unknown is a weapon. The community is left suspended in a nightmare, caught between grief for their leaders and fear for their own futures. This event exposes a terrifying vulnerability and raises urgent, unanswerable questions about who holds power in the shadows, and to what brutal end.
We stand in solidarity with the families of Hassan Mahammad and Sufiyan Ahmad, and with the people of Odaa Bultum and Habro. We demand immediate and transparent action from all relevant authorities to secure their safe return. A community cannot be governed by the law of the jungle. The hyena must be exposed, driven out, and held to account. The lips of the predator must be stained not with satisfaction, but with the dust of defeat.
#BringThemHome #OdaaBultum #Habro #WestHararge #Oromia
Akkamitti Korri Lammii Buundhaa Aadaa Oromoo Cimsuuf Ta’e?
Kora Lammii akka Dirree Sabaatti: Akkamitti Korri Lammii Buundhaa Hundee Tokkummaa Aadaa Oromoof Mootora Ta’e
Amboo Ejersaatti Korri Lammii Buundhaa ardaalee Jaha jiraniif Aadaa fi Safuu Cimsuuf Ta’e
AMBO EJERSA, OROMIA — Dirree aduudhaan jiidhe naannoo Boojii irratti, sagaleen sirba kora lammii Buundhaa waa’ee eenyummaa fi duudhaalee callisaa, gadi fagoo ta’e waliin walsimsiisaa jira. Wanti akka jalqabbiilammii keessaatti jalqabe gara taatee hawaasaa guddaatti guddateera, korri lammii haaromsa aadaa wajjin haala wal hin tuqneen wal makaa jira.
Dorgommiin Kora Lammii Amboo Ejersaa dargaggoota Oromoo ardaalee adda addaa ja’a: Itayyaa, Amboo, Meexxii, Maatiii, Waddeessaa, fi Shanan irraa walitti fiduun milkaa’inaan walitti fiduun isaa ni yaadatama. Walga’iin isaanii walgahii caalaa; itti yaadanii gocha hawaasummaa deebi’anii walitti hidhamuudha. Kaayyoon giddu-galeessaa, akkuma hirmaattotaa fi qindeessitoonni walqixa ibsaman, waancaa bira darbee kan babal’atudha: Korri lammii aadaa aadaa (aadaa) fi safuu (seera naamusaa fi naamusaa) Oromoo cimsuuf akkamitti humna cimaa ta’uu akka danda’u qorachuuf yaalii walooti.
“Kaayyoon waltajjii marii uumuu ture,” jechuun qindeessaan korichaa ibseera. “Goolii fi qusannaa qofaaf osoo hin taane, haasa’uuf, dhaggeeffachuu fi eenyu akka taane yaadachuuf. Humna korichaa fayyadamuun waa’ee bu’uuraalee keenyaa marii boba’aa jirra.”
Mul’ata kanaaf dhugaa ta’ee, cinaa fi iddoowwan hawaasaa naannoo dirree jiran gara waltajjii marii boonsaatti jijjiiramaniiru-marii hawaasaa bal’aa, gadi fageenya qabu. Maanguddoonni, daawwattoonnis hojiirra oolmaa qabatamaa safuu jireenya ammayyaa keessatti, kunuunsa afaanii fi seenaa afaaniin dubbatamu, akkasumas gahee dargaggoonni akka guca aadaatti qaban irratti ofumaan marii irratti bobba’aa jiru.
”Korri Lammii kun maagneetiidha, garuu haasofni kun qabeenya dhugaati,” jedhan jaarsi buleeyyiin yeroo akeeka isaa ibsan. “Miseensi Kora Lammii Waddeessaa akaakayyuu Itaayyaa irraa dhufe tokko waliin taa’ee waa’ee kabajaa fi hawaasaa haasa’uu arguun… aadaan akkasitti hafuura baafata. Duudhaaleen kun kitaabota qofa keessatti osoo hin taane, gocha keenya guyyaa guyyaa keessatti akka ta’an akkamitti mirkaneessina.”
Miirri garmalee hirmaattota biratti mul’atu gammachuu fi itti quufinsa gadi fagoodha. ”Hirmaachuuf qofa hin dhufne,” jedhe miseensi Kora Lammii Buundhaa irraa dhufe. “Walqabsiisuuf dhufne. Jarreen kana waliin walarguu, achiis nyaachuu fi booda isaan waliin haasa’uu-dallaa ijaan hin mul’anne ni diiga. Akka ummata tokkootti akka cimnu nu taasisa.”
Miira namoota hedduu kan dhageessisan, hirmaattonni saganticha gaalee Afaan Oromoo humna guddaa qabuun wal irraa hin cinne ibsu: “Korre lammii kun waan haalan nama gammachisuu dha,” hiikni isaas, “Lammummaan hawaasaa kun waan gammachuu gadi fagoo, onnee irraa madde fiduudha.”
Korri Lammii Buundhaa Amboo Ejersaa akka moodeela dirqisiisaa sochii aadaa bu’uuraa ta’ee dhaabbatee jira. Meeshaaleen lubbuu ummata tokkoo kunuunsuuf gargaaran yeroo hunda dhaabbilee idilee keessatti akka hin argamne, garuu jaalala waloo kora lammii, dorgommii fi eenyummaa waliinii irraa maddu akka danda’an agarsiisa. Taphi kora lammii yommuu dhihaatu, injifannoowwan waaraa asitti argaman qabxiidhaan osoo hin taane, walitti hidhamiinsa cimee fi waadaa haaromfameen hambaa Oromoo boonsaan fuulduratti ceesisuuf akka madaalamu ifaadha.
The Goal is Deeper Than the Net: How a Kora Lammii—a community pitch Match Rekindles a Nation’s Soul
Subtitle: In Ambo Ejersa, the beautiful kora lammii—a community pitch Becomes a Classroom for Culture, Proving That Our Strongest Defence is Unity
The scene is familiar—a dusty pitch, the sharp cry of a whistle, the unified gasp of a crowd as a ball soars toward the goal. But in the Boji area of Ambo, the familiar scene is telling a profoundly unfamiliar, and more beautiful, story. Here, the Ambo Ejersa Community gathering has become something far greater than a community gathering. It has transformed into a living, breathing symposium on survival.
Kora Lammii of Buundhaa from Itaya, Ambo, Meti, Machi, Wadesse, and Shanen did not just come to compete. They came to convene. In a world where fragmentation is often the default, these generation chose convergence. They built a kora lammii—a community pitch—and upon it, they are rebuilding a community spirit. The real match is not just between teams; it is a collective struggle against the erosion of identity. The victory they seek is the preservation of their cultural soul: aadaa and safuu.
This is the quiet, revolutionary power of what is happening. In the breaks between matches, in the shade of Odaa tree, the kora lammii gathering organically spawns marii boonsaa—deep, communal dialogues. These are not academic lectures, but urgent, grassroots consultations. How do we practice respect (safuu) in a digital age? How do we wear our culture (aadaa) not as a costume for holidays, but as daily armour against assimilation? The gathering is the ignition; the conversation is the sustainable fire.
What these young people in Boji instinctively understand is a truth many societies grapple with: culture is not a museum artifact. It is a muscle. It atrophies without use. It strengthens under collective strain. By using the universal language of community gathering to strengthening the dispersed chapters of their community, they are creating a gymnasium for their Oromumma. They are exercising their shared identity, passing the weight of tradition from elder to youth, ensuring it does not grow weak.
The palpable joy reported by participants—“waan haalan nama gammachisuu dha” (it is something that brings deep joy)—is the most important metric here. This joy is not merely the thrill of sport. It is the profound relief and empowerment that comes from reconnection. It is the joy of speaking your mother tongue freely in a crowd that understands its nuance. It is the joy of seeing your values reflected in the conduct of your peers—in a fair tackle on the field, in the respectful deference to an elder off it.
In an era where globalized culture often flattens uniqueness, the Ambo Ejersa Buundhaa gathering is an act of gentle defiance. It declares that the future need not be a departure from the past, but a continuation of it, adapted on our own terms. These players are not running away from their heritage to chase modernity; they are sprinting toward a future where their heritage is the foundation of their strength.
The commentary from the sidelines, therefore, should be one of keen observation and high praise. This is grassroots cultural innovation at its finest. The kora lammii gathering is proof that the most effective guardians of a people’s spirit are not always politicians or institutions, but can be its youth, a ball, and a collective will to remember. They have remembered that the most crucial goal to defend is the one protecting their very essence. And in that defense, they are finding not just victory, but a deep and abiding joy.
More Than a Gathering: Lammii gathering of Buundhaa in Boji Becomes a Hub for Oromo Cultural Revival
Subtitle: Lammii gathering of Buundhaa from Across the Region Unite on the Pitch, Spark Community Dialogue on Aadaa and Safuu
BOJI, OROMIA — The sound of cheering fans and bouncing footballs has become a powerful call to unity in the rural landscape of Boji. Here, at the Ambo Ejersa gathering, a simple cultural gathering event has blossomed into a profound social gathering, uniting Oromo generations from various parts of the country and reigniting vital conversations about cultural heritage and values.
The generation gathering has successfully drawn teams that map the Oromo heartland: local generation from Boji are competing alongside their brothers from Itaya, Ambo, Meexxii, Maatii, Wadesse, and Shanan. This convergence on the lammii pitch represents a significant grassroots effort to strengthen communal bonds that stretch across the region.
“This is truly something that brings joy,” remarked an elderly spectator, Bulo Tadese, his eyes following the energetic play. “In these times, seeing our sons from different corners come together in peace and healthy competition… it warms the heart. Waan haalan nama gammachisudha (It is profoundly joyous).”
Yet, the true significance of the event extends far beyond the final score. In the shade of trees and under makeshift tents, the community surrounding the gathering is engaging in a parallel, equally important contest: a collective effort to reclaim and revive core Oromo principles.
During breaks and after matches, elders, players, and spectators are gathering for marii boonsaa—meaningful, extended community dialogues. The central focus is the urgent discussion of aadaa (culture/tradition) and safuu (a deep-seated moral and ethical code governing respect and social harmony).
“This lammii gathering of Buundhaa was the spark, but the conversation is the real fire,” said organizer Dhaqaba Gammada. “We play the meeting to bring the generation of Buundhaa together, but we use this gathering to ask important questions: How do we preserve our identity? How do we practice safuu in our daily lives? The energy here shows our people are hungry for this discussion.”
The spontaneous emergence of these dialogues points to a deep-seated community desire to navigate modernity while firmly rooting the younger generation in their cultural foundation. Elders see it as a chance to impart wisdom, while youth see it as a space to understand their heritage in a contemporary context.
The Ambo Ejersa lammii gathering of Buundhaa stands as a powerful example of how lammii gathering can serve as a catalyst for social cohesion and cultural preservation. It demonstrates that the goal is not only to win games but to strengthen the very fabric of the community, ensuring that the values of aadaa and safuu are passed on, debated, and lived.
As the lammii gathering of Buundhaa continues, the message is clear: the most important victory is happening off the field, in the hearts and minds of a people rediscovering the strength of their shared identity.
አቢይና ኢሳይያስ ስለ ሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች የጋራ ስጋት
የግላዊ ደብዳቤ ያጋለጠው፡ አቢይና ኢሳያስ ስለ ሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች ተጠያቂነት የጋራ ስጋት ነበራቸው
የካትት 2026 – የቀድሞው ባለስልጣን ገዱ አንደርጋቸው በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቢይ አህመድ ላይ ባቀረቡት ግላዊ ደብዳቤ ውስጥ የቀረበው ውስጣዊ መልዕክት ማስተላለፍ፣ የኢትዮጵያና የኤርትራ መሪዎች በትግራይ ጦርነቱ መጀመሪያ ላይ በሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች ዙሪያ ሊመጣ የሚችል ተጠያቂነት የጋራ ስጋት እንደነበራቸውና ይህን በግል ውይይት እንደተነጋገሩበት ያመለክታል።
እንደ ደብዳቤው መረጃ፣ በጥር 2021 ዓ.ም. ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቢይ አህመድ ገዱን በማንሳት ወደ ፕሬዚዳንት ኢሳይያስ አፈወርቂ የሚያስተላልፉትን መልዕክት እንዲያቀርቡ ማዘዛቸው ተመስክሯል። ከመልዕክቶቹ መካከል አንዱ፣ “አንዳንድ የወያኔ ደጋፊዎች እና የኢትዮጵያን እና የኤርትራን መልካም ግንኙነት የማይፈልጉ የውጭ ሃይሎች፣ በተለያዩ ዓለም አቀፍ ድርጅቶችና ሚዲያዎች አማካኝነት ከሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት ጋር በተያያዘ ሰፊ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ ከፍተውብናል፡፡” በማለት የያዘ ነበር።
መልዕክቱ፣ “ይህ ነገር ውሎ አድሮ በሁለታችንም ላይ ጣጣ ሊያመጣብን ስለሚችል የጋራ ጥንቃቄ ልናደርግ ይገባል” በማለት ከተስፋፋው ክስ ቀጣይ ከባድ ማስከፋት ሊያጋጥማቸው እንደሚችል ያሳስባል።
እንደ ደብዳቤው ዘገባ፣ የፕሬዚዳንት ኢሳይያስ አፈወርቂ ምላሽ በዚህ አመለካከት ተስማምቶ “የሚቻለው ጥንቃቄ ሁሉ እንዲደረግ” ሁለቱም ወገኖች ለተቀናጀ አቅጣጫ ማሰጠት እንዳለባቸው ተናግሮ፣ ከዚያም “በተረፈ እኔና አብይ በተስማማነው መሰረት ገና ብዙ የሚሰሩ ስራዎች አሉ” ማለታቸው ተመስክሯል።
ደብዳቤው እንደሚያመለክተው፣ ገዱ ይህን መልስ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቢይ ሲያቀርቡ ስብሰባው አዎንታዊ እንደነበር እና ፕሬዚዳንት ኢሳይያስም በሰብአዊ መብት ክሶች ዙሪያ የጥንቃቄ አስፈላጊነትን እንደገና እንዳጠነከሩ ሪፖርት አድርገዋል።
ይህ የግል ውይይት፣ አሁን ወደ ህዝብ ተሰርዞ፣ በሁለቱም የጦርነት ጊዜ የሁለቱም አገራት መደበኛ የሆኑትን ሪፖርቶችን በመቃወም የተለየ አቀራረብ ሲያቀርቡ ከነበረው መደበኛ የወገን አመለካከት ጋር ተቃራኒ ነው። በሁለቱም መሪዎች ደረጃ ከጦርነቱ መጀመሪያ ጀምሮ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች የሚያስከትሉት “ከባድ ተጠያቂነት” እንደ እውነተኛ አደጋ እንደተደረሰበት ያሳያል።
የገዱ ደብዳቤ ይህን ውይይት በአስመራ የነበረው ተልዕኮ በፖለቲካዊና በሕጋዊ መከላከያ ላይ ያተኮረ እንጂ በሰብአዊ እርዳታ ላይ አልነበረም በማለት በመግለጽ “ስለ ትግራይ ህዝብ መከራ ምንም ዓይነት መልእክት አልተላለፍም” በማለት አጽንቷል።
For more detail see the official Amharic letter of Gedu Andargachew
Pioneering Agronomist Dr. Paulos Dubale (1944-2026): A Legacy of Science and Service Against the Odds
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – The life of Dr. Paulos Dubale, a groundbreaking Ethiopian agronomist and soil scientist, stands as a powerful testament to a relentless pursuit of knowledge and an unwavering dedication to national development, often achieved in the face of severe institutional and financial constraints.
Born in June 1936 E.C. in Kendo Wolayta, Dr. Paulos’s journey began humbly in local schools before he pursued agriculture at the then-Alemaya College of Agriculture. His talent was quickly recognized; excelling as both a student and a singer, he was appointed as a “Student Singer” to a national development campaign, which led to his first research posting at the Jimma Agricultural Research Station in 1968 E.C.
His career would become synonymous with coffee research, a cornerstone of Ethiopia’s economy. Recognizing a critical shortage of specialists, the research institute sponsored him for a Master’s degree at the University of Hawaii, USA, which he earned in Horticulture with a focus on coffee. Despite his professors’ strong recommendations to pursue a doctorate immediately, a lack of replacement staff at home forced his premature return to Ethiopia—a recurring theme of institutional limitations that would challenge his progress for years.
A Champion of Collaboration Against Scarcity
Back at the Jimma research center, Dr. Paulos rose to lead the coffee research team and later coordinated the entire national coffee research program. His role expanded dramatically as he was tasked with simultaneously managing the nascent Soil and Water Research directorate. Archival documents reveal a continuous, frustrating struggle: numerous invitations for doctoral fellowships in Italy, the Netherlands, and the UK were declined by the institute due to a crippling “lack of qualified manpower” to fill his role.
His perseverance finally paid off in 1982 E.C. when, with World Bank funding, he secured a “Split PhD” program at Wye College in the UK. This allowed him to conduct research in Ethiopia while completing his degree, which he earned in 1986 E.C. He returned immediately to Ethiopia and was appointed Director of the newly formed National Soil and Water Research Directorate.
A Life of Multifaceted Service and Modest Reward
Dr. Paulos’s leadership extended beyond the lab. He taught at Alemaya University, served on the board of the Metehara Sugar Factory, and was an active member of the Ethiopian Society of Soil Science. His scientific contributions were prolific, authoring or co-authoring over 60 publications, including progress reports, technical papers, journal articles, and handbooks.
Despite his monumental contributions, his personal compensation starkly highlighted the sacrifices made by a generation of scientists. Records show that upon his retirement, his monthly salary was just 3,335 Ethiopian Birr, with a responsibility allowance of 450 Birr. His pension was calculated at 1,576.78 Birr per month.
His career was also marked by extensive international travel for training and conferences, taking him to the USA, UK, Brazil, Ghana, Tanzania, India, Uganda, Sri Lanka, and Kenya, where he represented Ethiopia’s scientific community.
Forced to retire in 1991 E.C. upon reaching the mandatory age, his expertise was deemed so indispensable that his tenure was extended twice, allowing him to continue coordinating vital research projects for an additional six years before his final retirement in 1997 E.C.
Dr. Paulos Dubale’s story is not merely one of personal achievement but a narrative of intellectual resilience. It illustrates the profound impact one dedicated scientist can have—nurturing a key economic sector, mentoring future generations, and building institutional capacity—even when operating within a system strained by scarcity. His legacy endures in Ethiopia’s agricultural research foundations and serves as a powerful inspiration for the nation’s scientific community.
Ethiopia Mourns Veteran Tourism Journalist Zerihun Girma
Addis Ababa – The Ministry of Tourism has announced with deep sorrow the passing of veteran journalist Zerihun Girma, a respected figure who dedicated his long career to promoting Ethiopia’s cultural and tourism heritage. In an official statement of condolence, the Ministry hailed Zerihun as a passionate advocate whose work left an indelible mark on the sector.
“Journalist Zerihun Girma was well known for his great love and determination to introduce our country’s tourist attractions, historical heritage, and cultural values to the world,” the Ministry’s statement read. It credited his professional contributions with playing a significant role in the growth of the sector, stating that through his work, “he has left his own unique footprint.”
Zerihun Girma served for many years within Ethiopia’s tourism and culture landscape, utilizing his journalism to spotlight the nation’s vast potential as a premier destination. His reporting was instrumental in bringing international attention to Ethiopia’s diverse historical sites, vibrant traditions, and natural wonders.
During this difficult time, the Ministry extended its heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, and colleagues. “We pray for comfort for his family, his dear relatives, as well as his work associates,” the statement concluded.
The passing of Zerihun Girma represents a significant loss for Ethiopia’s media and tourism communities, removing a dedicated voice that consistently championed the nation’s rich cultural tapestry on both local and global stages.
Challenges to PM Abiy Ahmed: Gedu’s Rebuttal on Tigray War
Senior Official Rebuts PM Abiy’s Claims, Alleges Cover-Up in Eritrean Role During Tigray War
[February 4, 2026] – In a scathing and meticulously detailed open letter to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Gedu Andargachew, a former high-ranking official, has issued a sharp rebuttal to the Prime Minister’s recent parliamentary statements, directly challenging the official narrative of Eritrea’s role in the Tigray war and accusing the administration of evading moral responsibility for the conflict’s atrocities.
The letter, dated January 27, 2015, Ethiopian Calendar, was prompted by the Prime Minister’s mention of Gedu by name during a parliamentary address concerning tensions with Eritrea on January 26, 2015, Ethiopian Calendar. Gedu states that this reference compelled him to “place the matter on the public record, without addition or subtraction,” offering a starkly different account of key wartime events.
Disputing the Official Eritrea Narrative
Gedu’s core contention challenges the timeline presented by the government. He asserts that Eritrean forces fought alongside the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) from the war’s outset until the Pretoria Agreement was finalized, contradicting the official line that their involvement was brief or contested.
He provides specific military details to support his claim, recalling a moment in the winter of 2013 E.C. (2020/2021 Gregorian) when Tigrayan forces advanced into the Amhara region. “We remember that the Eritrean army came as far as the Debretabor area and fought,” he writes. He further alleges that the ENDF and the Eritrean military conducted joint operations “in a manner resembling a single national army” until the peace deal was made public.
Alleging a Deliberate Cover-Up and Shift of Blame
The letter accuses PM Abiy of a pattern of deflecting responsibility for the war’s devastating human cost. Gedu expresses disappointment that instead of seeking forgiveness from the peoples of Tigray and Ethiopia, the Prime Minister chose to “simply provide explanations” and “try to find another party to blame.”
He argues this approach is not only a moral failure but also dangerous, stating it prevents the necessary lessons from being learned and “makes the recurrence of similar disasters possible.” Gedu directly links a range of national crises—the wars in Tigray and Oromia, alleged atrocities in Amhara, and conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz—to what he calls the leadership’s “deficiency” and a flawed mindset that “cannot stay in power without conflict and war.”
Denying a Secret Mission to Eritrea
Gedu forcefully denies the Prime Minister’s insinuation that he was sent to Eritrea as a special envoy concerning the Tigray war. He clarifies he was removed from his post as Foreign Minister the day after the conflict began and states, “There has never been a suspicion that this issue was entrusted to me.”
He confirms a single trip to Asmara in early 2013 E.C. but describes a mission with entirely different objectives: to convey gratitude for Eritrea’s joint military cooperation, deliver a victory message regarding coordinated operations, and discuss mutual caution over mounting international “naming and shaming campaigns” related to human rights abuses.
Critically, Gedu claims that when he raised the international community’s demand for Eritrean troop withdrawal, PM Abiy explicitly instructed him not to request that Eritrea pull its forces out. “You warned me, ‘Do not at all ask them to withdraw your army,'” Gedu writes.
Revealing Contemptuous Remarks Toward Tigrayans
In the letter’s most explosive personal allegation, Gedu recounts a private meeting where he advised caution and the rapid establishment of civilian administration in Tigray to prevent future grievances. He claims PM Abiy dismissed these concerns with contemptuous rhetoric.
Gedu quotes the Prime Minister as allegedly stating: “Tigrayans will not rebel from now on; don’t think they can get up and fight seriously… we have crushed them so they cannot rise. Many people tell me ‘the people of Tigray, the people of Tigray’; how are the people of Tigray better than anyone? We have crushed them so they cannot rise. We will hit them even more; because the escape route is difficult, from now on the Tigray we know will not return.”
A Call for Accountability
The letter concludes not with personal grievances, but with a broader indictment of the administration’s governance. Gedu presents his detailed refutation as a necessary corrective to the historical record and an implicit call for a truthful accounting of the war’s origins, conduct, and consequences—an accounting he suggests is being actively avoided by the highest levels of government.
The Prime Minister’s office has not yet issued a public response to the allegations contained in the letter.
For more detail see the official Amharic letter of Gedu Andargachew
Borana University Mourns a Beacon of Indigenous Knowledge: Professor Asmarom Legesse
Borana University Mourns a Beacon of Indigenous Knowledge: Professor Asmarom Legesse
(Yabelo, Oromia – February 5, 2026) Borana University, an institution deeply embedded in the cultural landscape it studies, today announced its profound sorrow at the passing of Professor Asmarom Legesse, the preeminent anthropologist whose lifelong scholarship fundamentally defined and defended the indigenous democratic traditions of the Oromo people. The University’s tribute honors the scholar not only as an academic giant but as a “goota” (hero) for the Oromo people and for Africa.
In an official statement, the University highlighted Professor Legesse’s “lifelong dedication to understanding the complexities of Ethiopian society—especially the Gadaa system,” crediting him with leaving “an indelible mark on both the academic and cultural landscapes.” This acknowledgment carries special weight from an institution situated in the heart of the Borana community, whose traditions formed the bedrock of the professor’s most celebrated work.
The tribute detailed the pillars of his academic journey: a Harvard education, esteemed faculty positions at Boston University, Northwestern University, and Swarthmore College, and the groundbreaking field research that led to his seminal texts. His 1973 work, “Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society,” was cited as revolutionary for revealing “the innovative solutions indigenous societies developed to tackle the challenges of governance.”
It was his 2000 magnum opus, however, that solidified his legacy as the definitive voice on the subject. In “Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System,” Professor Legesse meticulously documented a system characterized by eight-year term limits for all leaders, a sophisticated separation of powers, and the Gumi assembly for public review—a structure that presented a centuries-old model of participatory democracy. “His insights challenged prevalent misconceptions about African governance,” the University noted, “showcasing the rich traditions and political innovations of the Oromo community.”
For his unparalleled contributions, he was awarded an honorary Doctor of Letters from Addis Ababa University in 2018.
Perhaps the most powerful element of the University’s statement was its framing of his legacy beyond academia. By “intertwining the mechanics of the Gadaa system with the broader narrative of Oromo history and cosmology,” Professor Legesse was credited with fostering “a profound understanding of Oromo cultural identity.” It is for this work of preservation, interpretation, and transmission that he is declared “a hero—a goota—to the Oromo people and to Africa as a whole.”
Looking forward, Borana University management has called upon its students and faculty to honor his memory through “ongoing research and discourse on indigenous governance systems,” ensuring his foundational work continues to inspire new generations of scholars.
The entire university community extended its deepest condolences to Professor Legesse’s family, friends, and loved ones, mourning the loss of a true champion of Oromo culture and a guiding light in the study of African democracy.
About Borana University:
Located in Yabelo, Borana Zone, Oromia, Borana University is a public university committed to academic excellence, research, and community service, with a focus on promoting and preserving the rich cultural and environmental heritage of the region and beyond.
Remembering Prof. Asmerom Legesse: A Legacy of Oromo Scholarship
By Daandii Ragabaa
A Scholar Immortal: Prof. Asmerom Legesse’s Legacy Lives in the Hearts of a Nation
5 February 2026 – Across the globe, from the halls of academia to the living rooms of the diaspora, the Oromo community is united in a chorus of grief and profound gratitude. The passing of Professor Asmerom Legesse at the age of 94 is not merely the loss of a preeminent scholar; it is, as countless tributes attest, the departure of a cherished friend, a fearless intellectual warrior, and an adopted son whose life’s work became the definitive voice for Oromo history and democratic heritage.
The outpouring of personal reflections paints a vivid portrait of a man whose impact was both global and deeply intimate. Olaansaa Waaqumaa recalls a brief conversation seven years ago, where the professor’s conviction was unwavering. “Yes! It is absolutely possible,” he declared when asked if the Gadaa system could serve as a modern administrative framework. “The scholars and new generation must take this mantle, think critically about it, and bridge it with modern governance,” he advised, passing the torch to future generations.
This personal mentorship extended through his work. Scholar Luba Cheru notes how Professor Legesse’s 1973 seminal text, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, became an indispensable guide for her own decade-long research on the Irreecha festival. She reflects, “I never met him in person, but his work filled my mind.”
Ituu T. Soorii frames his legacy as an act of courageous resistance against historical erasure. “When the Ethiopian empire tried to erase Oromo existence, Professor Asmarom rose with courage to proclaim the undeniable truth,” they write, adding a poignant vision: “One day, in a free Oromiyaa, his statues will rise—not out of charity, but out of eternal gratitude.” Similarly, Habtamu Tesfaye Gemechu had earlier praised him as the scholar who shattered the conspiracy to obscure Oromo history, “revealing the naked truth of the Oromo to the world.”
Echoing this sentiment, Dejene Bikila calls him a “monumental figure” who served as a “bridge connecting the ancient wisdom of the Oromo people to the modern world.” This notion of the professor as a bridge is powerfully affirmed by Yadesa Bojia, who poses a defining question: “Did you ever meet an anthropologist… whose integrity was so deeply shaped by the culture and heritage he studied that the people he wrote about came to see him as one of their own? That is the story of Professor Asmerom Legesse.”
Formal institutions have also affirmed his unparalleled role. The Oromo Studies Association (OSA), which hosted him as a keynote speaker, stated his work “fundamentally reshaped the global understanding of African democracy.” Advocacy for Oromia and The Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau hailed him as a “steadfast guardian” of Oromo culture, whose research was vital for UNESCO’s 2016 inscription of the Gadaa system as Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Binimos Shemalis reiterates that his “groundbreaking and foundational work… moved [Oromo studies] beyond colonial-era misrepresentations.” Scholar Tokuma Chala Sarbesa details how his book Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System proved the Gadaa system was a sophisticated framework of law, power, and public participation, providing a “strong foundation for the Oromo people’s struggle for identity, freedom, and democracy.”
The most recent and significant political tribute came from Shimelis Abdisa, President of the Oromia Regional State, who stated, “The loss of a scholar like Prof. Asmarom Legesse is a great damage to our people. His voice has been a lasting institution among our people.” He affirmed that the professor’s seminal work proved democratic governance originated within the Oromo people long before it was sought from elsewhere.
Amidst the grief, voices like Leencoo Miidhaqsaa Badhaadhaa offer a philosophical perspective, noting the professor lived a full 94 years and achieved greatness in life. “He died a good death,” they write, suggesting the community should honor him not just with sorrow, but by learning from and adopting his teachings.
As Seenaa G-D Jimjimo eloquently summarizes, “His scholarship leaves behind not just a legacy for one community, but a gift to humanity.” While the physical presence of this “real giant,” as Anwar Kelil calls him, is gone, the consensus is clear: the intellectual and moral bridge he built is unshakable. His legacy, as Barii Milkeessaa simply states, ensures that while “the world has lost a great scholar… the Oromo people have lost a great sibling.”
Asmerom Legesse: Champion of Oromo History and Gadaa System
We are deeply saddened by the passing of Abbaa Gadaa Professor Asmerom Legesse, a towering African intellectual whose scholarship stands among the most consequential contributions to Oromo history and African political thought.
Abbaa Gadaa Professor Asmerom Legesse, an Eritrean social anthropologist trained at Harvard University and later a distinguished professor at institutions including Boston University, Northwestern University, Swarthmore College, and Yale University, devoted rare rigor and integrity to African knowledge systems. Yet his true stature was not defined by titles, but by the seriousness with which he treated the Oromo Gadaa system.
At a time when African societies were routinely dismissed as lacking political sophistication, he refused to reduce Gadaa to “custom” or folklore. Through disciplined research and cultural immersion, he framed Gadaa as an indigenous constitutional order—built on rotating generational leadership, codified law (seera), institutional checks and balances, accountability, and collective sovereignty.
His landmark work, Gadaa: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973), introduced the world to the depth and coherence of Oromo political organization. Decades later, Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System (2000) further clarified Gadaa as an egalitarian democratic system whose institutional logic long predates modern Western models. These works remain core references for understanding Oromo governance and for challenging enduring stereotypes about African political thought.
Abbaa Gadaa Professor Asmerom Legesse understood what many still refuse to acknowledge: Oromo history is not marginal, not invented, and not secondary to anyone else’s narrative. It is a complete intellectual tradition—deserving serious documentation, protection, and transmission. By recording Gadaa with scholarly precision, he did more than study Oromo society; he defended it against erasure and misrepresentation.
For this reason, Oromo communities came to hold him in special esteem, symbolically recognizing him as an “Abbaa Gadaa”—a guardian of truth and a custodian of a threatened heritage. Beyond Oromo studies, he wrote on Eritrean refugees, and wider questions of displacement, power, and justice in the Horn of Africa, embodying the responsibilities of a public intellectual.
We at OROMEDIA express our heartfelt condolences to his family, colleagues, students, and all communities touched by his life and work. We also offer our deep gratitude for the intellectual ground he helped secure for generations of Oromo scholars and citizens. His scholarship did not merely preserve the past; it equipped future generations with evidence and language to assert historical truth.
Rest in power, Abbaa Gadaa Professor Asmerom Legesse. Your work lives on, wherever Gadaa is studied, defended, and lived as a testament to indigenous Oromo democracy and African intellectual greatness.
Oromo Community Mourns a Great Scholar: Asmerom Legesse’s Impact
Feature Commentary
A World Mourns an Intellectual Giant: Unified Tributes Honor Professor Asmerom Legesse, Scholar of Oromo Democracy
4 February 2026 – The global Oromo community, alongside academic and cultural institutions, is united in profound grief following the passing of Professor Asmerom Legesse, the preeminent scholar whose life’s work defined the study of the Oromo Gadaa system. Hailed as a “towering scholar,” “global voice,” and “steadfast guardian,” his death has prompted a powerful wave of tributes that collectively affirm his unparalleled role in bringing an indigenous African democratic tradition to the world stage.
Across statements from scholars, activists, and organizations, a consistent narrative emerges: Professor Legesse was far more than an academic. He was a truth-teller, a bridge-builder, and a revolutionary intellectual who dedicated his career to the reclamation and elevation of a system long marginalized by colonial and oppressive narratives.
Scholars and Leaders Reflect on a Transformative Legacy
Prominent voices have emphasized the transformative nature of his work. Scholar Asebe Regassa called him a “pioneer of Gadaa studies,” whose “groundbreaking anthropological work” ensured he will be “remembered forever.” Tayiba Hassen Kayo noted his “unwavering commitment” left an “enduring mark on academia and on the Oromoo people,” ensuring his life’s work “will never be forgotten.”
The personal dimension of his scholarship was highlighted by Israel Fayisa, who poignantly described him as “Eritrean by birth and Oromo by choice,” a scholar treated “like an enemy by many Ethiopianist scholars merely because he dedicated his life to revealing the truth.” This sentiment underscores the courageous stance his research represented.
A Legacy of Global Recognition and Cultural Pride
His work is credited with achieving what once seemed impossible: securing global academic respect for an indigenous African system. As Visit Oromia stated, his research “gave international recognition to one of Africa’s most remarkable indigenous governance systems.” Activist Dereje Hawas pointed out that what defined him was “the seriousness with which he treated African and especially Oromo knowledge systems,” elevating them to their rightful place in global discourse.
Activist and journalist Dhabessa Wakjira captured the core of his academic revolution, writing that Legesse “proved definitively that principles of equality, rotational leadership, checks and balances, and the rule of law were not foreign imports to the continent, but were deeply embedded, living traditions.” This work, as Lelise Dhugaa noted, was foundational to UNESCO’s inscription of the Gadaa system as Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2016.
A Community’s Deep Personal Loss
For the Oromo people, the loss is both intellectual and deeply personal. The tribute from Olumaa Qubee expresses this communal grief: “Oromoon fira guddaa tokko dhabe” (“The Oromo people have lost a great sibling”). The call for schools and institutions to be named in his honor within Oromia reflects a desire to anchor his legacy physically in the land of the people he championed.
As tributes from colleagues like Zewdu Lechissa remember the “truly brilliant scholar and a kind soul,” the collective message is one of both mourning and determined continuity. Professor Asmerom Legesse’s pioneering scholarship did not merely document the Gadaa system; it restored a pillar of Oromo identity and gifted the world a timeless model of democracy. His legacy, as echoed by all, will undoubtedly “continue to inspire generations.”
Condolence Message from the Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau
The Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau expresses its profound sorrow and deep sense of loss at the passed away of Professor Asmarom Legesse, an eminent scholar, cultural custodian, and an unwavering servant of the Gada system.
Professor Asmarom devoted his life to the preservation, interpretation, and transmission of the Gadaa system—a living heritage of governance, justice, peace, and social responsibility. Through his scholarship, leadership, and lifelong service, he played an indispensable role in safeguarding the philosophical foundations and moral values that define Oromo identity and humanity at large.
His work bridged generations, linking ancestral wisdom with contemporary knowledge, and ensured that the Gadaa system remains a guiding light for social harmony, equity, and collective responsibility.
Beyond academia, Professor Asmarom stood as a moral compass for his community. He embodied the principles of truth, justice, service, and integrity, and tirelessly worked to nurture unity, dialogue, and cultural continuity. His contributions have left an enduring imprint on cultural institutions, academic circles, and community life, both within Oromiyaa and beyond.
On behalf of the Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, we extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, relatives, colleagues, students, and the entire Oromo community who mourn this irreplaceable loss. While his physical presence has departed, his wisdom, teachings, and exemplary life will continue to live on, inspiring generations to uphold the values of Gada and to serve society with dedication and humility.
May the Almighty grant strength and solace to all who grieve his passing.
May his soul rest in eternal peace.
Professor Asmerom Legesse: A Champion of Oromo Democracy
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
A Guardian of Heritage: Advocacy for Oromia Mourns the Passing of Professor Asmerom Legesse (1931-2026)
(Melbourne, Victoria) – February 5, 2026 – Advocacy for Oromia, with profound respect and deep sorrow, announces the passing of the world-renowned scholar, Professor Asmerom Legesse. We extend our most heartfelt condolences to his family, his colleagues in academia, and to the entire Oromo people, for whom his work held monumental significance.
Professor Legesse was not simply an academic; he was a steadfast guardian and a preeminent global ambassador for the ancient Gadaa system, the sophisticated democratic and socio-political foundation of Oromo society. For more than forty years, he dedicated his intellect and passion to meticulously studying, documenting, and advocating for this profound indigenous system of governance, justice, and balanced social order.
His seminal work, including the definitive text Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System, transcended mere historical analysis. Professor Legesse’s scholarship performed a vital act of cultural reclamation and global education. It restored dignity to a marginalized history, affirmed the cultural identity of millions, and presented to the international community a powerful, self-originating model of African democracy that predated and paralleled Western constructs.
Born in Asmara in 1931, Professor Legesse’s intellectual journey—from political science at the University of Wisconsin to a doctorate in anthropology from Harvard University, where he later taught—was always directed by a profound sense of purpose. His research provided the rigorous, academic foundation for understanding indigenous African political philosophy.
His passing is felt as a deeply personal loss within our community, reminding us of the interconnected threads of Oromo history and resilience. On a recent visit to Asmara, a delegation from Advocacy for Oromia visited a site of immense historical importance: the church where Abbaa Gammachis and Aster Ganno, giants of faith and resistance, resided while translating the Bible into Afaan Oromo. It was there we learned that the family home of Professor Asmerom Legesse stood adjacent.
This physical proximity stands as a powerful metaphor. It connects the spiritual and linguistic preservation embodied by Abbaa Gammachis with the intellectual and political excavation led by Professor Legesse. They were neighbors not only in geography but in sacred purpose: both dedicated their lives to protecting, promoting, and elucidating the core pillars of Oromo identity against historical forces of erasure.
Professor Legesse’s lifetime of contributions has endowed current and future generations with the intellectual tools to claim their rightful place in global narratives of democracy and governance. For this invaluable and enduring gift, we offer our eternal gratitude.
While we mourn the silence of a towering intellect, we choose to celebrate the immortal legacy he leaves behind—a legacy of knowledge, pride, and empowerment that will continue to guide and inspire.
May his soul rest in eternal peace. May his groundbreaking work continue to illuminate the path toward understanding, justice, and self-determination.
Rest in Power, Professor Asmerom Legesse.
About Advocacy for Oromia:
Advocacy for Oromia is a global network dedicated to promoting awareness, justice, and the rights of the Oromo people. We work to uphold the principles of democracy, human rights, and cultural preservation central to Oromo identity and heritage.
Unpacking the Controversies in General Gonfa’s Narrative
Feature Commentary: Unpacking the Narrative – A Rebuttal to General Hailu Gonfa’s ETV Interview
By Daandii Ragabaa
February 1, 2026
A recent interview given by General Hailu Gonfa, a former high-ranking member of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), to Ethiopian state television (ETV) has sent ripples through political and activist circles. Presented as a “tell-all,” the interview was a stark narrative of disillusionment with the OLF/OLA, peppered with allegations of foreign manipulation and internal failure. For the state broadcaster, it was a coup—a former insurgent commander validating state narratives. For many observers, however, it was a performance laden with contradictions and historical revisionism that demands scrutiny, not passive acceptance.
General Gonfa’s core thesis is one of victimhood at the hands of the Eritrean government (Shaebia) and strategic confusion within the OLF/OLA. He paints a picture of being used, misled, and ultimately betrayed. Yet, a closer examination of his own points reveals a narrative more complex and less absolving of his own agency.
1. The Eritrea Conundrum: Pawns or Strategic Partners?
Gonfa claims they went to Eritrea not out of hatred for Ethiopia, but to oppose the system, following the path of Eritreans themselves. He then details a three-month military training at Camp Ashfaray, a period of intense hardship. The critical question he sidesteps is: what did he and his comrades believe they were building towards in Asmara? Did they receive a political program from the OLF leadership? As senior military cadres, did they simply execute orders without understanding the overarching political strategy? His portrayal reduces seasoned officers to naive children, which insults both their intelligence and the gravity of their decision to seek foreign military training.
2. The Phantom “Russian Assignment” and Internal Discord.
He recounts a meeting in Russia where OLF members approached him, but they could not agree on a common agenda for working inside Ethiopia. He claims he was later given a vague, “impossible” national assignment. This raises a fundamental question: if there was such profound disagreement on core strategy before undertaking major actions, why proceed? The attempt to blame subsequent failures on a pre-existing lack of consensus suggests a failure of leadership and collective decision-making, not merely the deceit of others.
3. The “Oromia Republic” Straw Man.
This is perhaps the most disingenuous claim. Gonfa asserts a foundational disagreement over the goal of an “Oromia Republic,” which he labels a “colonial agenda.” He claims this deadlock was irreconcilable. Yet, the public record shows that figures like General Kamal Galchu, in a VOA interview, spoke openly about the possibility of a republic after achieving liberation. Furthermore, the OLF’s own political programs have historically navigated the spectrum between self-determination and possible independence based on a popular referendum. To frame a central, debated political aspiration as a shocking, divisive “colonial” plot is a gross misrepresentation of the struggle’s own intellectual history, likely tailored for his current audience in Addis Ababa.
4, 5 & 7: The Shaebia Scapegoat and the Mystery of Betrayal.
Gonfa dedicates significant time to blaming Eritrea for their imprisonment and manipulating the OLA’s military wing. He describes a mysterious Colonel “Xamee” who allegedly controlled them. This narrative of total Eritrean control sits awkwardly with his other claims of internal OLA agency, such as the alleged refusal of some army units to follow orders in 2018. If the OLA was merely a puppet, how did it exercise such defiance? His testimony about Colonel Abebe (allegedly now a Brigadier General in the OLA) is particularly damaging but presented without context or corroboration. It creates a convenient fog where all failures can be attributed to a shadowy foreign hand, absolving internal leadership of critical misjudgments.
6. The Uncomfortable Transition from Refugee to Parliamentarian.
Gonfa’s personal journey—from an economic refugee with a Swedish passport to a member of parliament—is presented as a triumph of resilience. Yet, it unavoidably invites questions about the pathway from armed opposition to state legitimization. He speaks of the hardships of struggle, but for many watching, the stark contrast between the described suffering and his current official position underscores the complex, often ambiguous, transitions in Ethiopian political life, where former enemies can become state stakeholders.
8 & 9: Rewriting the Homecoming and the Gadaa Model.
He claims that upon returning to Ethiopia, they chose to work on national issues within the political system, respecting the existing OLF leadership. This sanitizes what many saw as a major split and a demobilization. His praise for the “Gadaa model” of conflict resolution, now being adopted in Amhara region, rings hollow. It appears less as a genuine endorsement of traditional systems and more as an endorsement of the federal government’s current policy of co-opting ethnic administrative models, a far cry from the Gadaa system’s principles of sovereignty and self-rule.
Conclusion: A Performance with a Purpose
General Hailu Gonfa’s interview is less a revelation and more a strategic repositioning. It is an effort to construct a personal and political narrative that reconciles a past of armed rebellion with a present of state accommodation. In doing so, it simplifies a multifaceted struggle into a story of foreign deception and internal error, draining it of its political substance and reducing it to a series of personal grievances and bad partnerships.
For the state, it is a useful narrative: the rebels were confused, controlled by Eritrea, and have now seen the light. For the still-active struggle, it is a warning about the power of state platforms to reshape history. For critical observers, it is a reminder that every testimony, especially those given in such loaded circumstances, must be read not just for what is said, but for the silences it cultivates and the interests it serves. The truth of the Oromo struggle, in all its sacrifice, complexity, and ongoing evolution, lies not in this single curated confession, but in the totality of its lived history, which is far messier, more principled, and more enduring than this interview suggests.
The Gedeo Daraaro Festival: A Celebration of Renewal and Justice
“Daraaro”: The Gedeo Festival of Renewal and its Modern Resonance
In the heart of Ethiopia’s capital, a celebration of profound cultural and spiritual significance is unfolding. The Gedeo people’s “Daraaro” festival—the annual marker of their transition from the old year to the new—is being observed in Addis Ababa with a solemnity and vibrancy that speaks to both its deep roots and its contemporary relevance.
Described as a festival of “gift, gratitude, and peace,” Daraaro is far more than a calendrical event. It is a living embodiment of a worldview. At its core, it is an act of communal reorientation: a time to present gifts (sita) to spiritual leaders (Abba Gada), expressing thanks for peace and success granted, and articulating collective hopes for health, security, and a bountiful harvest in the year ahead. This intertwining of the spiritual, the social, and the agricultural reveals a holistic philosophy where human well-being is inseparable from divine favor and environmental harmony.
What makes the current observance in Addis Ababa particularly noteworthy is its dual character. It is simultaneously an act of cultural preservation and a statement of modern identity. The inclusion of symposia and events detailing Gedeo history, culture, and language transforms the celebration into a platform for education and dialogue. It asserts that Gedeo heritage is not a relic of the past, but a vital, intellectual, and artistic tradition deserving of national recognition and understanding.
The festival’s official framing around the theme of “development for culture and tourism” is a significant and complex evolution. On one hand, it represents a strategic move to gain visibility and economic leverage within the Ethiopian state, which actively promotes cultural tourism. On the other, it risks commodifying a sacred tradition. The true test will be whether this external framing can remain a vessel for the festival’s intrinsic meanings of gratitude, peace, and social justice, rather than subsuming them.
Indeed, the commentary’s note that issues of “justice and the national system” are part of the discourse during Daraaro is crucial. For the Gedeo—a people with a distinct identity and a history intertwined with questions of land, resource rights, and administrative recognition—a festival of renewal is inevitably also a moment to reflect on societal structures. Prayers for a good harvest and communal safety are, in the modern context, also implicit commentaries on land tenure, economic equity, and political inclusion.
The most forward-looking aspect of the report is the work towards UNESCO recognition as intangible cultural heritage. This pursuit is a high-stakes endeavor. Success would provide a global shield for the festival, fostering preservation, research, and prestige. However, it must be navigated carefully to avoid fossilizing the tradition or divorcing it from the community that gives it life.
A Commentary: The Bridge of Daraaro
Daraaro, in its essence, builds a bridge. It bridges the old year and the new, the human and the divine, the individual and the community. Now, as celebrated in Addis Ababa, it builds another: a bridge between the particularity of Gedeo culture and the broader Ethiopian—and indeed global—conversation.
Its message of gratitude and peace is a universal one, yet it is delivered in the specific, potent vocabulary of Gedeo tradition. Its emphasis on social justice ties an ancient ritual to the most pressing contemporary debates. Its pursuit of UNESCO status places a local Ethiopian practice within an international framework of cultural value.
The celebration of Daraaro in the capital is thus a powerful symbol. It signifies that Ethiopia’s strength does not lie in a monolithic culture, but in the ability of its diverse nations and peoples to bring their unique, rich, and reflective traditions to the national table. It reminds us that a “new year” is not just a change of date, but an opportunity for societal recalibration—a time to offer gratitude, seek justice, and plant collective hopes for the future. In honoring Daraaro, we are reminded that some of the most vital frameworks for building a peaceful and prosperous society are not new political doctrines, but ancient festivals of renewal, patiently observed year after year.
Soil and Water Conservation: A Path to National Pride
A Green Future Takes Root: Soil and Water Conservation as a Legacy in Shawa Lixaa, Dirree Incinnii district.
In the heart of Shawa Lixaa, Dirree Incinnii district, a quiet but profound transformation is unfolding. Across multiple villages, a community-led initiative titled “Soil and Water Conservation Campaign for National Pride” has been underway for weeks. This is not a temporary project, but the steady, ongoing work of building a legacy.
The message from local leaders, like Administration and Natural Resources Office Head Obbo Tashoomaa Baqqalaa, is clear and compelling: “We are working to create a clean and fertile country for future generations.” This statement reframes environmental work from a technical chore into a moral and patriotic duty—a gift to the unborn.
The campaign’s objectives are a masterclass in integrated community development. It aims to:
- Enhance natural resource productivity and quality, turning existing assets into greater wealth.
- Combat soil erosion, directly addressing the creeping threat to Ethiopia’s agricultural backbone.
- Increase soil fertility and water availability, the twin pillars of food security and resilience.
What makes the effort in Dirree Incinnii particularly noteworthy is its stated methodology. Officials emphasize that the work is being carried out “at all levels and in an organized manner.” This suggests a holistic framework that moves beyond scattered plots of land. It implies coordination from household to village to district levels, ensuring the work is sustainable and scalable. The phrase “organized manner” points to planning, training, and community mobilization—the essential ingredients that separate a fleeting effort from a lasting movement.
Furthermore, the commitment to “participate and facilitate participation” reveals a crucial insight. The leadership understands their role is not just to direct, but to enable. True, lasting environmental stewardship cannot be imposed; it must be adopted, owned, and championed by the community itself. By actively facilitating broad-based involvement, the campaign sows the seeds of long-term stewardship alongside the physical conservation structures.
Commentary: Beyond Trenches and Terraces
This initiative in Shawa Lixaa represents more than the construction of physical soil bunds (misooma sululaa). It is the construction of a new environmental consciousness.
Firstly, it localizes a global crisis. Climate change and land degradation can feel abstract. By framing the work as creating a “clean and fertile country for our children,” it makes the imperative intimate, urgent, and actionable. It connects the trench dug today to the dinner table of tomorrow.
Secondly, it redefines “national pride.” Too often, national pride is linked solely to history, sport, or military achievement. Here, pride is being cultivated literally in the soil. The health of the land becomes a measure of collective responsibility and a source of dignity. A conserved landscape becomes a badge of honor, a “National Pride” earned through collective sweat and foresight.
Finally, it presents a model of proactive legacy building. In a world where future generations often inherit problems—pollution, debt, degraded ecosystems—this campaign is an act of intergenerational justice. It is about bequeathing an asset: productive, resilient land.
The challenge, as with all such endeavors, will be continuity. Will the structures be maintained? Will the participatory spirit endure beyond the campaign period? Yet, the foundational vision is precisely right. By tying soil and water conservation directly to national pride, community well-being, and the right of future generations to a fertile home, Obbo Tashoomaa and the people of Dirree Incinnii are not just conserving land. They are cultivating hope, responsibility, and a tangible, green legacy. Their work reminds us that the most profound patriotism can sometimes be found not in grand speeches, but in the quiet, determined act of planting a seed, or building a terrace, for a future one may never see.
Calgary’s Oromo Festivities: Heritage and Liberation Celebration
Oromo Community in Calgary Celebrates WBO Day and Amajjii Festival with Cultural Pride
28 January 2026, CALGARY, CANADA – The Oromo community in Calgary gathered this past weekend for a vibrant celebration of WBO Day (Waaqeffannaa, Boorana, and Oromo Heritage) and the traditional Amajjii festival. The event, held with great enthusiasm, served as both a cultural celebration and a reflection on the Oromo liberation struggle.
The festivities highlighted the spiritual and cultural significance of Amajjii, celebrated in accordance with the traditions of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Speeches and presentations honored the legacy of past sacrifices in the Oromo freedom struggle, connecting the diaspora to ongoing narratives of resilience.
A powerful moment occurred as the Oromo flag was raised, drawing applause and reverence from the audience. Organizers used the gathering to educate the community about the enduring history and ongoing journey of the Oromo people’s quest for freedom.
“This event is about preserving our identity, honoring our heroes, and uniting our community across borders,” said one of the event’s organizers. “It is a day of both celebration and solemn remembrance.”
The celebration featured traditional Oromo music, dance, and poetry, transforming the venue in Calgary into a hub of cultural pride and collective memory. The event successfully reinforced cultural bonds for Oromos in diaspora while affirming their support for the cause of self-determination back home.
US-Ethiopia Accord: Unpacking the Anti-Terror Strategy
A Strategic Embrace: Reading Between the Lines of the US-Ethiopia “Anti-Terror” Accord
By Maatii Sabaa
This week, the corridors of power in Addis Ababa hosted a meeting that was, on the surface, all about forward momentum. Ethiopian Defense Minister Engineer Aisha Mohammed received United States Africa Command (USAFRICOM) Commander General Dagvin Anderson, and the subsequent joint statement was a masterclass in diplomatic phraseology. The two nations, we are told, agreed to elevate their “growing diplomatic and military relations into a higher strategic partnership,” reaffirmed a shared commitment to “peace and security,” and—most pointedly—pledged to “jointly combat terrorism to safeguard their respective national interests.”
The language is smooth, strategic, and designed for international news wires. Yet, in the complex geopolitical theater of the Horn of Africa, such declarations are never just ink on paper. They are seismic signals, revealing shifting tectonic plates of influence, ambition, and realpolitik. To understand this meeting, one must read not just the statement, but the subtext, the timing, and the unspoken needs of both parties.
For the United States, represented by the commander of its African military umbrella, the engagement is a calibrated re-engagement. Ethiopia, long a cornerstone of US strategy in the region, experienced a profound rupture in relations following the Tigray War. The meeting signals a deliberate American pivot: from a posture of pressure and sanctions to one of renewed partnership, albeit with a clear, security-first agenda. The framing of “combating terrorism” provides a mutually acceptable chassis for this rebuilt relationship. It allows the US to re-establish critical military-to-military ties, secure influence in a strategically vital nation bordering volatile regions, and counter the deepening foothold of rivals like Russia and China. General Anderson’s presence at the 90th anniversary of the Ethiopian Air Force was not merely ceremonial; it was a symbolic reinvestment in a key institutional partner.
For the Ethiopian government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the benefits are equally compelling, but stem from a position of seeking consolidation. Emerging from a devastating internal conflict and facing persistent security challenges—from insurgent groups in Oromia to tensions with neighboring Somalia—Addis Ababa craves international legitimacy and material support. A publicized strategic partnership with the world’s preeminent military power serves both ends. It burnishes the government’s diplomatic standing, frames its internal conflicts through the lens of a global “war on terror,” and potentially unlocks access to security assistance, intelligence sharing, and diplomatic cover. The phrase “safeguard their respective national interests” is crucial here; it acknowledges Ethiopia’s sovereign prerogative to define its threats, while America gains a partner in regional stability.
However, the term “terrorism” in this context is a Pandora’s Box. Who defines it? Which groups fall under this banner? The agreement risks providing international sanction for the domestic suppression of political dissent or armed resistance movements, branding them as terrorists in the name of shared security. This has profound implications for human rights and political negotiation within Ethiopia. Critics will argue that such pacts can embolden securitized approaches to complex political problems, prioritizing military solutions over dialogue and reconciliation.
Ultimately, the Addis Ababa meeting is a transaction. The United States gains a relaunched strategic foothold. Ethiopia gains validation and support. The glue binding the deal is a shared, if vaguely defined, enemy: “terrorism.” While the language speaks of peace and partnership, the underlying calculus is one of hard-nosed interest. The test of this new chapter will not be in the warmth of high-level meetings, but in the concrete actions that follow. Will it lead to greater stability and rights-respecting security in Ethiopia, or will it simply militarize a troubled landscape under a new banner of cooperation? The joint statement opens a door; what walks through it will define the true meaning of this strategic embrace.
Honoring Ob Mama Argoo: A Pillar of Oromo Community in Seattle
A Pillar in the Diaspora: The Deep Loss of Ob Maammaa Argoo and the Meaning of Home
By Maatii Sabaa
A community’s strength is often measured in its quiet pillars—the individuals who don’t just inhabit a space, but who become synonymous with its heartbeat, its memory, and its sense of home. When such a pillar falls, the tremor is felt across oceans, reaching from a neighborhood in Seattle to the soul of a global nation. The recent, stark announcement from the Oromo community carries this profound weight: “OROMOON har’a nama jabaa tokko dhabne; Keessumattu Oromoon Seattle, Ob Maammaa Argoo dhabnee jirra. Ob Maammaa Argoon Abbaa Margituu Argoo ti.” (Today, the Oromo people have lost a strong one; Especially we, the Oromo of Seattle, have lost Ob Mama Argoo. Ob Mama Argoo is Abbaa Margituu Argoo.)
This is more than an obituary. It is a communal acknowledgment of a foundational fracture. The title “Ob” or “Abbaa” is not given lightly; it denotes fatherhood, leadership, and a gravitas earned through steadfast presence. He was not just a resident of Seattle, but a cornerstone for Oromoon Seattle, a vital node in the vast diaspora network that sustains Oromo culture, politics, and mutual aid far from the physical borders of Oromia.
The loss of such a figure in the diaspora cuts with a unique sharpness. For a community shaped by displacement, struggle, and the constant work of preserving identity in a foreign land, people like Ob Argoo are more than leaders. They are living archives and architects. They are the ones who remember the names and stories of new arrivals. They are the organizers behind cultural festivals that transform a community hall into a pocket of Oromiyaa for an evening. They are the first call in times of crisis—whether it’s navigating a bureaucratic system or mourning a loss back home. They become the embodied answer to the unspoken question: Where is our home here?
Abbaa Margituu Argoo—Father of Margituu Argoo—this final identification roots him in the most sacred of Oromo traditions: lineage and relational identity. Even in announcing his passing, the community defines him by his cherished role as a father, reminding us that the strongest community pillars are always, first, pillars of a family. His strength (“nama jabaa”) was likely not the loud, theatrical kind, but the resilient, reliable strength of a great tree: providing shade, stability, and a point of orientation for all who gathered beneath.
His passing leaves a silence that is both personal and structural. Who will now hold the intricate web of connections with the same familiarity? Who will offer that specific, grounding wisdom that comes from having witnessed decades of the community’s joys and struggles in this particular city? The grief expressed is for the man, undoubtedly, but also for the irreplaceable role he occupied—a role that represents the very glue of diaspora life.
In mourning Ob Maammaa Argoo, the Oromo community of Seattle, and indeed the wider Oromo nation, confronts a poignant truth about diaspora. The greatest assets are not buildings or institutions, but the living human repositories of memory, commitment, and unwavering presence. The work of a community is to build upon the foundation such individuals leave behind, to ensure that the “home” they helped construct does not crumble with their passing.
Today, Seattle feels less like home for many. But in their collective grief and in the powerful, simple act of naming his loss and his title, they perform the very culture he helped sustain. They affirm that an Oromo community exists, that it feels its losses deeply, and that it honors its fathers. Ob Maammaa Argoo’s legacy is not just in what he did, but in the palpable space his absence reveals—a space that testifies to the immense weight of the presence that once filled it. May his roots nourish the generations that follow.
Colonel Gammachuu: The Unyielding Truth Teller of Oromia
Title: The Unbent Reed: A Commentary on Colonel Gammachuu Ayyaanaa and the Cost of Truth
By Maatii Sabaa
In the suffocating political atmosphere of empires, where silence is often traded for security and allegiances are bartered for comfort, a singular figure stands apart not for the power he wields, but for the truth he refuses to relinquish. Colonel Gammachuu Ayyaanaa, as profiled in a recent and fervent tribute, is presented not merely as a man, but as a phenomenon—an unbent reed in a storm of compromise. He embodies a rare and dangerous archetype: the native son who, understanding the inner workings of the Ethiopian imperial system, chooses not to dine at its table but to speak its crimes aloud.
The commentary paints him with the brush of absolute conviction. He is a man who “knows no malice” and “speaks no falsehood.” This is his foundational identity. In a landscape riddled with coded language and strategic ambiguity, his clarity is itself a revolution. He does not speak truth as a strategy for a better personal life; indeed, his truth-telling guarantees the opposite. As the piece starkly notes, he has “no private life,” existing instead in a state of “lowly livelihood.” The trade-off is explicit: his comfort for his people’s cause. What worries him is not personal hardship, but the “encroachment on the rights of the Oromo people and the violation of Oromia’s borders.”
This is where Gammachuu transcends the typical political or military figure. He is portrayed not as a commander giving orders from a safe remove, but as a “dhaabee”—one who is stationed, rooted, and bearing the brunt. He stands not on a podium, but in the line of fire. His advocacy is particular and painful, giving voice to the displaced communities of Tulama Oromos, whose land and heritage have been erased by force. He channels their specific grief into a universal indictment.
The tribute makes a searing observation about the Oromo community itself, suggesting a troubling tendency to withhold honor from those who most deserve it. It frames Gammachuu as a man whose primary, overriding identity is Oromummaa—Oromo nationhood—which supersedes all clan, regional, or religious affiliations. This unitary focus makes him a stark anomaly in a system, and a society, often fractured by internal divisions the empire readily exploits.
His fearlessness is not born of ignorance, but of profound understanding. Having “analyzed the politics of the Ethiopian Empire,” he comprehends the full weight of its machinery. Yet, this knowledge does not paralyze him with caution; it liberates him with purpose. The system, the commentary asserts, has already declared its verdict on such men, whether they are called “scholars” or “heroes.” In the face of this, Gammachuu speaks with “no fear,” save the fear of failing his unwavering commitment.
The final exhortation—”Nama kana Kunuunsadhu Oromoo!” (Oromo people, support this man!)—is the crucial pivot from admiration to action. It recognizes that such singular courage is not a self-sustaining artifact. It is a flame that must be shielded by the collective will of the people it seeks to illuminate. Colonel Gammachuu Ayyaanaa, as presented, is the unwavering voice. The question implicit in the commentary is whether the people for whom he speaks will become the unshakeable chorus, ensuring that the cost of truth is borne not by one man alone, but shared by a nation determined to hear it. In an age of calculated silence, his story is a piercing reminder that the most potent form of resistance is a life lived in uncompromising alignment with truth, regardless of the price.
Mootuu Ayyaanoo Secondary School: A Legacy of Education and Sacrifice
Legacy in Learning: World Food Prize Laureate Professor Gebisa Ejeta Honors Mother with New School in Hometown
EJERSA LAFO, OROMIA REGION, ETHIOPIA – In a powerful tribute to maternal sacrifice and the roots of education, a newly constructed secondary school in the rural heartland of Ethiopia now bears the name of a mother whose vision changed a family’s destiny. The “Mootuu Ayyaanoo Secondary School,” named in honor of Professor Gebisa Ejeta’s late mother, was officially inaugurated in Ejersa Lafo, West Shewa Zone.
The state-of-the-art facility, built at a cost of over 60 million Ethiopian Birr, stands as a permanent monument to the enduring power of a parent’s belief in education. The school is equipped with modern classrooms, laboratories, and facilities designed to provide quality education for the community.
Professor Gebisa Ejeta, a globally renowned plant geneticist and 2009 World Food Prize Laureate, was born in the nearby village of Holonkomii in 1950. In numerous interviews, he has consistently credited his mother, Mootuu Ayyaanoo, as the foundational force behind his academic journey. He has recounted how she sold firewood and walked vast distances to markets to earn the funds necessary for his early schooling, instilling in him the values of perseverance and the transformative power of knowledge.
“It is the deep wish of every child to honor their parents. We are profoundly moved and grateful that this school, a place of learning and future-building, carries our mother’s name,” said Professor Ejeta, reflecting on the inauguration. He and his family have long championed the critical importance of education for rural development.
The school’s inauguration is more than a local event; it is a symbolic closing of a circle. The boy who walked dusty paths from Holonkomii, propelled by his mother’s sacrifices, has become a world-leading scientist whose work on drought-tolerant sorghum has improved food security for millions. Now, his legacy ensures that children from his homeland will walk into a modern school bearing the very name that set him on his path.
“For us, this is the fulfillment of a long-held hope,” said a community elder during the celebrations. “Professor Gebisa has not forgotten his home. This modern, clean, and high-standard school is a gift that will change generations. We are overjoyed.”
Local residents expressed immense pride and gratitude, highlighting that the “Mootuu Ayyaanoo Secondary School” is a beacon of inspiration. It serves as a constant reminder that from the humblest beginnings—fueled by love, sacrifice, and education—global leaders can emerge.
The naming elegantly weaves together personal history and national progress. It honors a mother’s silent labor while investing directly in Ethiopia’s most vital resource: the educated mind of its youth. As students begin their studies within its walls, they will learn not only from textbooks but from the story embedded in the school’s very name—a story of unwavering belief and the seeds of greatness sown by a mother’s hands.
Australia’s Crackdown on Migrant Exploitation
EXCLUSIVE
MAJOR BORDER FORCE OPERATION NETS FOUR IN FAR NORTH QUEENSLAND CRACKDOWN ON MIGRANT EXPLOITATION SYNDICATES
CAIRNS, QLD – Australian Border Force (ABF) officers have launched a major offensive against criminal networks profiting from the illegal exploitation of migrant workers, detaining four high-priority targets in Far North Queensland in a sweeping operation.
The Department of Home Affairs-led operation, which targeted immigration non-compliance, visa fraud, and labour trafficking, marks a significant escalation in efforts to dismantle sophisticated syndicates preying on vulnerable workers and undermining the integrity of Australia’s migration system.
“This operation sends a strong message that Australia will not tolerate the abuse of our visa system or the exploitation of people who come here to work,” a senior ABF official stated. “Regional communities do not want this criminal behaviour in their backyard, and we are acting decisively to disrupt it.”
The Detained:
According to ABF sources, those apprehended include:
- A suspected fraudulent migration agent and his partner, who allegedly targeted workers from the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme. They are accused of charging exorbitant fees to lodge invalid Protection Visa applications, leaving workers in legal limbo and severe debt.
- An unlawful non-citizen alleged to be a key facilitator, trafficking illegal migrant workers to local businesses while providing unlawful immigration assistance.
- An individual accused of using violence and coercion to control vulnerable migrants, funneling them into illegal work while subjecting them to substandard housing and appalling working conditions.
Cracking Down on “Modern Slavery” in Plain Sight
The operation highlights a growing national focus on what authorities describe as “modern slavery in plain sight” within certain industries. Criminal syndicates are suspected of using complex visa fraud, deceptive recruitment, and intimidation to create a cheap, compliant, and illegal workforce.
The exploitation of PALM scheme workers, a government program designed to support Australia’s agricultural and regional sectors through legal, protected labour, is of particular concern. The alleged actions of the detained migration agent represent a direct attack on a vital bilateral program, jeopardising the welfare of workers and community trust.
Community Vigilance Crucial
Authorities have praised the role of the public and regional communities in reporting suspicious activity, which directly contributed to the intelligence-led operation.
“Members of the public continue to play a critical role,” the ABF emphasised. “Their reports help us build a picture of these exploitative networks and take action.”
The ABF urges anyone with information on visa fraud, illegal work, or worker exploitation to report it anonymously via the Border Watch program online. The public is reminded that illegal workers are often victims themselves, ensnared by deceptive promises and crippling debt.
The four individuals are now in immigration detention pending their removal from Australia. Investigations into the wider networks involved are ongoing, with the ABF warning that further enforcement action is expected.
Burtukan Mideksa’s Journey: A Political Memoir Unveiled
Feature Commentary: “መመለስ” – The Return of a Voice and the Resonance of Memory
In the rich tapestry of Ethiopian political life, few contemporary figures command the blend of unwavering principle and administrative acumen quite like W/ro Burtukan Mideksa. Her journey—from the bench to political leadership, from imprisonment to international diplomacy—has been a defining narrative of Ethiopia’s turbulent recent decades. The recent ceremonial launch of her Amharic-language memoir, “መመለስ: ቦጌ ትውስታዎቼ” (“Return: My Bogé Memories”), is therefore more than a literary event. It is a significant political and cultural moment, a formal re-entry of a pivotal perspective into the nation’s ongoing dialogue about its past and its future.
The title itself, “መመለስ” (Return), is profoundly evocative. On one level, it refers to a physical and spiritual return to Bogé—a place steeped in personal and national history, likely referencing a period of reflection, struggle, or origin. On another, it signifies the return of Burtukan Mideksa’s own voice to the public sphere in a new, enduring form. After years of being analyzed, quoted, and defined by others—as a judge, an opposition leader, a prisoner of conscience, and most recently as the Chairperson of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE)—this book represents her opportunity to define her own narrative, to “return” the story to its source.
The launch event, as reported, was fittingly dignified, attended by a host of guests and featuring readings by prominent figures like Abba Balcha and Konjit Seyoum. The participation of intellectuals and analysts such as Soliana Shimelis, Worqneh Tefera, Hirut Tefaye, Tewodros Aylaw, and Dawit Birhanu underscores the book’s perceived weight. It is not treated as a mere personal account but as a primary source document, a contribution to the collective understanding of Ethiopia’s political evolution over the last thirty years.
The book’s structure—37 chapters spanning 292 pages—suggests a comprehensive and detailed reckoning. For students of Ethiopian politics, the promise lies in the granular, firsthand account of critical junctures: the fraught 2005 elections, the experience of political imprisonment, the internal dynamics of opposition politics, and the complex challenges of leading an institution like the NEBE in a polarized environment. It offers a rare, insider’s view from a figure who has operated at the highest stakes of the country’s democratic struggle.
However, the publication of “መመለስ” arrives at a deeply complex moment. Ethiopia is a nation still grappling with the wounds of a brutal civil war, severe internal fractures, and an uncertain political transition. In this context, a memoir by a figure of Burtukan’s stature is inevitably a political act. It will be read not just for its recollections, but for its judgments, its silences, and its implicit commentary on present-day actors and crises. It has the potential to reframe debates, validate certain historical narratives, and challenge others.
Ultimately, the significance of “መለሰ” extends beyond its immediate political insights. It represents the power of personal testimony in a national story often dominated by grand ideologies and collective movements. By sharing her “Bogé memories,” Burtukan Mideksa does more than recount events; she invites a conversation about resilience, principle, and the personal cost of public life in Ethiopia. Whether as a tool for historical clarification, a mirror for the present, or a guide for future leaders, this “return” of memory to the public domain is a vital addition to the fragile architecture of Ethiopia’s national understanding. Its true impact will be measured not just in book sales, but in the depth and quality of the dialogue it inspires.
The Truth Behind the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam
Feature Commentary: Untangling the Nile – Correcting the Record on Africa’s Renaissance Dam
In the global discourse surrounding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), facts have often been submerged under waves of political rhetoric and historical bias. A recent intervention by former U.S. President Donald Trump, laden with sweeping inaccuracies, serves as a stark case study in how misinformation can poison complex transboundary issues. By examining his ten central claims, we can separate hydroelectric reality from hydrological fiction and recenter a conversation that is fundamentally about development, sovereignty, and dignity.
The False Financial Ledger
The assertion that “The United States paid for the dam” (Claim No. 1) is not merely incorrect; it is an erasure of a national endeavor. GERD stands as a monument to domestic sacrifice, funded by Ethiopian bonds, civil servant contributions, and public mobilization. This narrative of external funding subtly strips Ethiopia of its agency, reframing a sovereign project as a foreign-sponsored venture. The truth is more powerful: Africa’s largest hydropower plant is being built by Africans, for Africans.
The Hydro-Logic of Power, Not Theft
The core technical misrepresentations reveal a fundamental misunderstanding—or deliberate mischaracterization—of how a dam functions. GERD does not “stop the Nile” (Claim No. 2) nor did Ethiopia ever “cut off Egypt’s water” (Claim No. 3). A run-of-the-river hydropower plant generates electricity from the flow of water, which then continues downstream. It is not a reservoir of contention but a conduit of energy. Repeating the fiction of water theft does not make it fact; it manufactures a crisis where none exists.
The Colonial Claim vs. The Geographic Truth
The most historically loaded falsehood is that “The Nile belongs to Egypt” (Claim No. 4). This claim is a relic of colonial-era agreements from which Ethiopia was excluded. Over 86% of the Nile’s water originates in the Ethiopian highlands. A nation does not seek permission to use a river that springs from its own soil. Sovereignty over natural resources is not granted by historical habit or downstream hegemony.
Sovereignty, Not Permission
This leads directly to the paternalistic fantasy that “someone allowed Ethiopia to build this dam” (Claim No. 6). Ethiopia, a sovereign state, did not request nor require an external permit to develop its infrastructure. To frame GERD’s existence as something that was “allowed” is to deny the very essence of self-determination. Similarly, labeling national development as a “crisis Ethiopia created” (Claim No. 5) inverts the moral framework. The crisis is the persistent expectation that African nations should forgo electrification and growth to preserve an untenable status quo.
Weaponizing Rhetoric vs. Generating Watts
The rhetorical escalation to call GERD “a weapon” (Claim No. 7) or a direct threat to “Egypt’s survival” (Claim No. 8) is dangerous alarmism. The dam is concrete and steel, producing megawatts, not conflict. Egypt’s water security challenges—rooted in population growth and resource management—predate GERD. Blaming an upstream dam is a political diversion from difficult domestic reforms.
The Fallacy of the Outsider Savior & The Apology That Is Not Owed
Finally, the twin falsehoods of a solitary “powerful outsider” capable of solving the dispute (Claim No. 9) and that “Ethiopia must apologize for progress” (Claim No. 10) are two sides of the same coin. They suggest African agency is insufficient and that development is an offense. Sustainable resolution will come from good-faith negotiation among the Nile Basin nations—Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia—not from external diktat. And using one’s own resources to lift millions from energy poverty warrants celebration, not contrition.
The Real Dam Blocking Progress
In the end, GERD is not the problem. Ethiopia’s pursuit of development is not the problem. The problem, as this list of false claims makes abundantly clear, is misinformation. It is the circulation of outdated narratives, the weaponization of technical ignorance, and the refusal to acknowledge a simple truth: that the long-overdue renaissance the dam’s name promises is for Ethiopia, and its light need not dim any other nation’s future. The path forward is lit by facts, not fiction.
Australia Mourns Bondi Victims with Light and Silence, as Communities Reaffirm Hope
January 22, 2026 | AUSTRALIA – Today, Australia stands still in a sombre moment of national unity, observing a National Day of Mourning for the 15 lives taken in the devastating terrorist attack at Bondi’s Jewish community centre last month.
The Day of Mourning has been declared as a time for collective reflection, with all Australians called upon to join together in grief and solidarity. “It is a day for all Australians to come together to grieve, remember, and stand against antisemitism and hate,” a government statement affirmed.
In a series of formal tributes, flags are being flown at half-mast across federal and Victorian government buildings. As evening falls, iconic landmarks throughout Victoria will be illuminated in white—a powerful visual symbol of resilience, peace, and the collective determination to move forward.
At exactly 7:01 PM, the time the attack unfolded on December 14, 2025, the nation is invited to pause for a minute of silence—a shared moment to remember the innocent victims whose lives and futures were violently cut short.
Personal Acts of Remembrance Echo National Resolve
The official day of mourning is mirrored in the private homes of Australians from all walks of life, where the national tragedy resonates with personal histories of loss and resilience. For some, the act of remembrance is profoundly intertwined with their own experiences.
“At 7:01 PM, my family and I lit memorial candles for a minute of silence,” shared one community member, speaking from Melbourne. Their reflection wove together the national moment with a deeply personal journey: “We found the peace and freedom in Australia that was violated in our homeland, Oromia. Therefore, we condemn any act of hatred. We reiterated our hope that any darkness will be conquered by light.”
This sentiment underscores the profound significance of safety and social cohesion for Australia’s multicultural communities. For many who have sought refuge and stability, the attack strikes at the very promise of sanctuary that Australia represents.
A Nation’s Grief, A Shared Commitment
Today’s observances are more than ritual; they are a national reaffirmation of the values that bind a diverse society together. The minute of silence, the lowered flags, and the glowing white landmarks serve as public pledges against hate, offering a collective response to tragedy through unity and remembrance.
As candles flicker in windows and cities shine with light, the message echoing across the country is clear: from the depths of shared mourning arises a strengthened commitment to ensure that light—and the hope it carries—will always prevail.
Victoria Commemorates National Day of Mourning for Bondi Victims
Feature News: Victoria Joins National Day of Mourning, Illuminating a Path Forward from Bondi Tragedy
MELBOURNE, VIC – Today, Victoria stands in solemn solidarity with the nation, observing a National Day of Mourning to honour the 15 lives lost in the devastating terrorist attack at Bondi Beach’s Jewish community centre on December 14, 2025.
The Victorian Department of Premier and Cabinet has outlined the state’s formal acts of remembrance, framing the day as both a moment for collective grief and a resolute stance against hate. “It is a day for all Australians to come together to grieve, remember, and stand against antisemitism and hate,” the statement read.
Across the state and the country, visual symbols will mark the day’s gravity. Flags will be flown at half-mast at all Commonwealth and Victorian Government buildings—a universal gesture of loss and respect. As dusk falls, the tribute will transform. Major landmark buildings across Victoria’s skyline will be illuminated in white, a deliberate symbol of light, peace, and resilience cutting through the darkness of tragedy. “A symbol of light, as we move forward as a nation,” the government statement noted.
The commemoration will reach its poignant peak at 7:01 PM, the exact time the attack unfolded. Australians are invited nationwide to observe a minute of silence, a shared national pause to remember the 15 innocent victims whose lives and futures were tragically stolen.
The coordinated national response, which includes similar observances from federal and other state authorities, underscores a unified commitment to social cohesion. By designating a National Day of Mourning, officials aim to channel raw community sorrow into a reaffirmation of shared values—condemning antisemitic violence and all forms of bigotry while honoring the victims with dignity.
Today, as buildings glow white and flags hang low, Victoria’s official acts of remembrance serve as a public covenant: to mourn deeply, to remember collectively, and to walk forward together, guided by light.
Strengthening Community Bonds: Social Cohesion Event
Feature News: Southeast Melbourne Councils Launch “Social Cohesion” Workshops, Seek Community Architects
GREATER DANDENONG, VIC – In a proactive move to strengthen the social fabric of one of Australia’s most diverse regions, three neighbouring councils are joining forces to host a unique community workshop. The City of Greater Dandenong, the City of Casey, and the Shire of Cardinia are calling on local residents to help define and build a shared vision for a stronger, fairer future.
The initiative, a facilitated workshop titled “Defining Social Cohesion,” aims to create a safe space for residents to explore what unity, belonging, and mutual respect mean in their rapidly growing communities today.
Turning Shared Visions into Reality
“Every voice matters,” states the joint announcement, framing the workshop as a foundational step in collaborative community planning. The goal is to move beyond abstract ideals and turn collective aspirations into tangible outcomes. The facilitated discussion will focus not only on defining social cohesion but also on the practical role each resident plays in shaping it.
“Together, we can turn our shared visions into reality,” the councils propose, positioning the event as a grassroots opportunity to directly influence the social landscape of Melbourne’s vibrant southeast.
A Call for Diverse Voices
Participation is specifically limited to residents of the southeast Melbourne area, ensuring the conversation is grounded in local experiences and challenges. With limited spots available, organisers are urging interested community members to register early.
Event Details:
- Date: Wednesday, 28 January
- Time: 12:30 PM – 3:30 PM
- Location: Dandenong Civic Centre – Training Rooms 1 and 2
- Registration & Info: Residents are encouraged to register promptly via their local council websites or contact the organising academic partner for questions at tmiletic@unimelb.edu.au.
Building Resilience from the Ground Up
This workshop comes at a time when communities nationwide are reflecting on social harmony and resilience. By facilitating these conversations locally, the councils of Greater Dandenong, Casey, and Cardinia are investing in a community-led model for social planning, recognizing that the strongest cohesion is built from the ground up, one conversation at a time.
The event represents a significant opportunity for residents to become active architects of their community’s future, ensuring the southeast continues to be a place where diversity is not just acknowledged but is the very source of its strength.
Australia Observes National Day of Mourning After Bondi Attack
SYDNEY, Thursday, 22 January 2026 – The nation will come to a standstill in quiet reflection today as Australia marks a National Day of Mourning for the 15 innocent lives lost in the tragic anti-semitic attack at Bondi Beach last month.
On 14 December 2025, a devastating act of violence shattered the community of Bondi, targeting its Jewish community centre and leaving a nation in mourning. Today, Thursday, 22 January, is dedicated to honouring the victims, their grieving families, and all communities scarred by the tragedy.
A Nation’s Symbols at Half-Mast
As a mark of solemn respect, the Australian Government has directed all flags across the country, including on government buildings and naval vessels, to be flown at half-mast from sunrise to sunset. The visual gesture represents a nation’s collective grief and solidarity.
The official commemoration will reach its poignant peak this evening. Australians in every state and territory are invited to join in a shared national moment: lighting a candle at 7:01pm AEST—the time the attack unfolded—and observing one minute of silence.
“This simple, powerful act is a symbol of our remembrance and our unity,” a government statement read. “It is a light against the darkness of hate, a silent promise to stand together.”
Community and Coalition Stands in Solidarity
The Federation of Ethnic Communities’ Councils of Australia (FECCA), the peak national body representing Australia’s multicultural communities, issued a powerful statement of solidarity.
“FECCA stands firmly with the Jewish community and all those affected by this horrific act of hate,” the statement said. “We call for unity, compassion, and responsible public discourse in our shared efforts to eradicate anti-Semitism, racism, and all forms of bigotry from our society.”
The call underscores the day’s dual purpose: not only to mourn but to reaffirm a commitment to social cohesion. Vigils and interfaith gatherings are being held in capital cities and towns nationwide, bringing together leaders from diverse faiths and cultural backgrounds in a show of collective resilience.
A Day of Reflection and Resolve
Today is more than a date on the calendar; it is a national pause. It is a day for Australians to reflect on the preciousness of life, the strength found in community, and the enduring values of tolerance and respect that define the nation.
As candles are lit in windows from Bondi to Broome, the message is clear: Australia mourns together, remembers together, and stands determined to ensure that light and unity prevail over hatred and division.
A Legacy in Melody – Dirre Dhawaa University to Establish Dr. Alii Birraa Music School
DIRRE DHAWAA, OROMIA – In a move set to transform the cultural and academic landscape of eastern Oromia, Dirre Dhawaa University has announced the foundation of a new institution dedicated to musical excellence: the Dr. Alii Birraa Memorial Music School.
The university made the formal announcement via its official Facebook page, outlining plans to establish the school in the legendary artist’s hometown. This initiative is not just about building a structure, but about rooting a center of artistic excellence in the very soil that inspired one of Ethiopia’s most cherished musical voices.
Bridging Institutions for a Harmonious Future
The project is already hitting the right notes through a powerful collaboration. Experts and lecturers from the renowned Yared Music School at Addis Ababa University are providing crucial initial support. According to the university, these seasoned academics are traveling to Dirre Dhawaa to share their expertise, helping to design curricula and establish foundational frameworks. This knowledge transfer represents a significant vote of confidence and a bridge between the nation’s premier music academy and this promising new venture.
A key driving force behind this collaborative spirit is Dr. Malaaku Yigzaw, Dean of the Yared Music School. The university confirmed that Dr. Malaaku has formally pledged his institution’s full professional support to ensure the successful establishment of the memorial school.
Honoring a Native Son, Investing in a Region’s Soul
The decision to name the school after the late Kabajaa Artist Alii Birraa is deeply symbolic. Born in the Dirre Dhawaa area, Alii Birraa was a monumental figure in Ethiopian music, celebrated for popularizing the Oromo musical tradition of Biftuu and singing powerfully about love, social issues, and identity. Establishing a music school in his name serves a dual purpose: immortalizing his legacy and actively nurturing the next generation of artists from his region.
President of Dirre Dhawaa University, Magarsaa Qaasim (PhD), emphasized this point, highlighting the area’s rich but often under-recognized artistic heritage. “Dirre Dhawaa is a wellspring of many renowned artists,” President Magarsaa noted, underscoring the school’s mission to cultivate this latent talent formally.
A Conductor’s Baton for Regional Development
The university stated that it is undertaking all necessary preparations for the project and has already begun receiving “favorable support” from various organizations. This suggests the project is resonating beyond academic circles, potentially attracting cultural and developmental partners.
The establishment of the Dr. Alii Birraa Memorial Music School is more than an academic expansion. It is an act of cultural preservation, a tribute to a national icon, and a strategic investment in the creative future of eastern Ethiopia. By transforming the memory of a single great artist into a living institution of learning, Dirre Dhawaa University is ensuring that the region’s melodies will not only be remembered but will continue to evolve, inspire, and educate for generations to come.
The Unbroken Seed – A Grandson’s Oath to Hundee
Feature Commentary: The Unbroken Seed – A Grandson’s Oath to Hundee
In the heart of every liberation struggle lies a covenant between the fallen and the living, a sacred trust passed down through blood and memory. It is not just a political cause; it is a familial debt, an amaanaa.
This truth burns at the core of a powerful testament written by Afandii Muttaqii, a grandson of the Oromo martyr known as Hundee—The Foundation. His words are not a dry historical account but a raw, personal reckoning that bridges generations. “Ani shanyii Hundeeti,” he declares. “I am the grandson of Hundee.” With this, he steps forward not merely as a commentator, but as a living vessel of an unfinished promise.
The story he narrates is one of deliberate, symbolic terror and unbreakable prophecy. In September 1974, the Ethiopian military regime executed a group of Oromo freedom fighters, including the iconic Elemoo Qilxuu. Among them was Hundee, born Ahmad Taqii. In a calculated act meant to crush the spirit of his people, the regime singled out Hundee’s body. They transported it to his hometown, Galamso, and publicly dragged it through the streets behind a vehicle. The message was clear: This is the fate of those who defy us.
The regime’s calculus was one of fear. They hoped the desecration would shatter the community’s will. But in the courtyard of history, they misjudged their audience. Hundee’s own father, the respected Sheikh Muhammad Rashiid, heard the news and responded not with a wail of despair, but with a prophecy of fierce resilience. He reframed the atrocity: “They are doing this to break our morale. But this is more astonishing than it is saddening. For them to drag my son’s body on the ground is a great thing. It means the seed of the Oromo liberation struggle has been sown. This seed, now planted, will grow and spread; nothing will stop it until it bears fruit.”
Today, as Afandii Muttaqii writes, that fruit is ripening. The Oromo struggle has indeed “spread.” But his commentary arrives at a critical juncture, asking a piercing question of the present generation: How do we honor the seed that was sown in such brutal soil?
His answer is the core of his testimony: the concept of Amaanaa—the sacred trust. He issues a thunderous, poetic vow, a litany of names that stretches from the martyrs of that day in 1974—Elemoo, Colonel Mahdi, Sheekh Jamaal, Suleymaan, Abdi Kaahin—across decades to fallen heroes like Mecha Tullu, Bakkalchaa, Baaroo Tumsaa, and the victims of more recent state violence. “Amaanaa Hundee hin nyaannu,” he repeats like a mantra. “We will not betray the trust of Hundee.”
This is the powerful pivot of his commentary. He warns against the ultimate betrayal: using the hard-won spaces of the struggle for personal gain, of “walking on the blood of Oromo martyrs to polish Abyssinian nationalism.” In remembering the specific, gruesome detail of his grandfather’s martyrdom, he fortifies a collective moral compass. The struggle, he insists, must remain pure to its foundational purpose—the liberation of Oromiya—lest the sacrifice of Hundee and thousands others be consumed and forgotten.
The image of Hundee’s body, that “seed” dragged to be destroyed, becomes the central, haunting metaphor. It was meant to be a final exhibit of power. Instead, as foretold by a grieving father, it became a source of inextinguishable life. Afandii Muttaqii’s commentary is a vital act of watering that seed. He reminds us that true victory is not just in territorial gains or political seats, but in guarding the amaanaa. The struggle continues not merely in protests and negotiations, but in the daily, conscious choice to refuse betrayal, to remember each name, and to ensure that the fruit of freedom, once borne, belongs wholly and justly to the people for whom the seed was sown.
The foundation—the Hundee—was laid in sacrifice. The grandson’s oath is to build upon it with integrity. The harvest is yet to come.
Oromo Freedom Fight: Adapting Through Generations
The Unstoppable Train of Oromo Struggle: Navigating Detours on the Long Road to Freedom
As the Oromo Liberation Struggle evolves through generations, internal debates and shifting allegiances test its unity while fueling its enduring momentum.
The Oromo struggle for self-determination has never relied on today’s technology or instant communication. Historically, Oromo intellectuals and leaders from all regions – East, West, North, and South – united under the common banner of Oromumma (Oromo national identity). They converged with a shared goal: to liberate the Oromo people and their homeland from subjugation. This foundational mission continues to live on in new generations.
History shows that in any protracted struggle, there are those who win and those who are won over. Individuals who were once active participants or leaders sometimes shift allegiances, abandon the cause, or change sides at critical junctures. Within the Oromo struggle, some who initially fought against the imperial system later shifted to defending the very Ethiopian imperial structure when the Oromo people mobilized to reclaim their inherent right to self-rule. We see those who left the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to spend their twilight years propping up the oppressive empire.
When a people’s struggle is long, the commitment of its fighters is tested. Some persevere through the long years, while others, from leadership to the rank-and-file, grow weary. Some withdraw, others are co-opted, and some simply disappear. Yet, the struggle itself does not halt; it regenerates, absorbing new generations and maintaining its forward momentum. This is why it is likened to a train.
A train, once departed, does not stop until it reaches its final destination. Some passengers disembark at stations convenient for them, having traveled as far as they wished. Others may fall off along the tracks. But the train continues, picking up new passengers at every stop, joining them with those who began the journey, all moving together. The struggle operates similarly. If it stalls for a decade, thousands more join its ranks. Thus, even if some OLF leaders or members abandon it, new generations, believing deeply in its cause and ready for sacrifice, will take their place.
The core mission of the OLF is to secure a system of freedom for the Oromo people.
Historical figures like Jaal Dawud Ibsa and Obbo Leencoo Baati once shared a common goal and vision. Their paths, and those of many others, reflect the complex dynamics of a movement navigating the arduous journey toward liberation.
Honoring Father Beyene Badhasso: A Legacy of Courage and Humanity
Ethiopian Adventist College Honors a Pillar of Oromo Resistance and Humanity: Father Beyene Badhasso
ADDIS ABABA — In a powerful act of historical reclamation, the Ethiopian Adventist College has officially recognized the legacy of Father Beyene Badhasso, celebrated as one of the Oromo people’s most courageous and transformative figures. The ceremony honored a man who, against immense odds, helped pry open the gates of history for future generations.
The tribute arrives as a poignant reminder of an era when Oromo identity was systematically suppressed—a time when their language was silenced, culture criminalized, and fundamental dignity denied. In this oppressive climate, Father Beyene Badhasso stood where few dared.
With a small band of brave comrades, he confronted the highest authorities of his day, including the Imperial throne itself, to demand a forbidden right: access to education for Oromo children. This defiant act was not without profound cost; Father Beyene paid a “golden price” for his courage, enduring persecution for his advocacy.
“His sacrifice was the seed,” noted one attendee at the recognition event. “The educated Oromo generation of today, our reclaimed language, culture, and standing in the world—these grew from the ground he helped break.”
Beyond his role as a fearless advocate, Father Beyene was revered as a man of deep and practical compassion. Operating a pharmacy, he became a beacon of hope in his community, providing medicine and treatment to hundreds based on need, not payment. In a landscape where poverty was compounded by injustice, he consistently chose mercy over profit, saving countless lives through quiet, unwavering charity.
The college’s decision to honor Father Beyene has resonated deeply within the Oromo community and among scholars of Ethiopian history. Dr. Abraham Dalu and the entire leadership of the Ethiopian Adventist College received heartfelt praise for their “honorable step” in bringing this giant of history into the light of formal academic recognition.
“Thank you for honoring a true giant of our history,” read a statement from community organizers. “Father Beyene didn’t just open a school; he opened the future. Today, we stand tall as Oromo and as Oromia because he stood firm.”
The recognition serves as both a memorial and a mirror, reflecting the enduring power of resilience, education, and humanitarian spirit in the ongoing story of the Oromo people.
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About Father Beyene Badhasso: A seminal Oromo intellectual and activist, Father Beyene is remembered for his pivotal role in the struggle for Oromo educational rights during the mid-20th century and for his lifelong dedication to community healthcare and charity.
Bishoftu Landholders Imprisoned: Unpacking Eviction Controversy
Eight Farmers and Landholders Imprisoned in Bishoftu After Defying Eviction Order
BISHOFTU, OROMIA – Eight individuals, primarily farmers and family heads, are currently being held at the Dhaka Booraa detention center in Bishoftu town after reportedly refusing to vacate their homes on an area known as “Aabbuu” land. The group was forcibly evicted and detained after their refusal to leave voluntarily, according to information obtained by the Oromo Media Network (OMN).
The individuals detained are identified as both landowners and tenant farmers, holding legal documentation for the land from either their fathers or previous owners. The list provided by OMN details their circumstances:
- Biraanuu Tolosaa: Holds ownership documents certified by a court. Father of 2.
- Dammaa Kaasa: A tenant farmer (qotee bultuu).
- Zawuduu Juuflaa: Holds court-certified documents granted by his father. Father of 6.
- Likkuu Miidhaksa: Holds court-certified ownership documents. Mother of 5.
- Shuumii Juuflaa: Holds court-certified documents granted by his father. Father of 6.
- Biree Tarruu: Holds court-certified documents granted by his father. Father of 2.
- Baalchaa Bashaadaa: Holds court-certified documents granted by his father. Father of 3.
- Abarraa Lammeechoo: Holds court-certified documents granted by his father. Is a person with a disability.
- Qorichoo Gammachuu: Holds land received from his family. Father of 4.
The case highlights tensions over land rights and eviction procedures. The detainees’ possession of court-certified documents suggesting legal ownership or tenure raises significant questions about the basis of the eviction order and their subsequent arrest.
Officials from the Bishoftu city administration or local police have not yet issued a public statement regarding the specific charges against the group or the legal authority for the eviction at the “Aabbuu” site.
Community sources express concern over the detention of multiple breadwinners and a person with a disability. The incident is expected to amplify ongoing debates about land disputes, due process, and the protection of livelihoods in the region.
This is a developing story. Further updates will follow as more information becomes available from official sources.
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